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A Harbinger of India’s New POK Policy

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A Harbinger of India’s New POK Policy

A recent book, Forgotten Kashmir, The Other Side of the Line of Control, by former Ambassador Dinkar P. Srivastava seems to prepare the ground for a change in policy

by TP Sreenivasan

V.K. Krishna Menon is said to have remarked after his marathon speech at the UN Security Council in 1957 that he had said everything that needed to be said about Kashmir and that anyone, who wanted to know the Indian position, should simply refer to his speech. But millions of words have been spoken at the UN by succeeding generations of diplomats since then, just to point out that the state of Jammu and Kashmir is an integral part of India. The unspoken position, however, was that India would be willing to turn the Line of Control into the international border, accepting, in effect, a division of Jammu and Kashmir. The two countries were close to signing of an agreement to this effect in Shimla in 1972.

There have been indications from the Indian leadership that, apart from the state of Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh, the POK and other areas are also part of India and should be returned to it. For the first time, during the 76th session of the UN General Assembly, India called upon Pakistan to vacate “all areas under its illegal occupation”, signalling a major change of policy.

A recent book, Forgotten Kashmir, The Other Side of the Line of Control (Harper Collins, Pages 439 INR 699) by former Ambassador Dinkar P Srivastava seems to prepare the ground for a change in policy. He examines the policy of Pakistan towards Pakistan Occupied Kashmir (POK) and Gilgit- Baltistan over the last 70 years. His meticulous and painstaking research has brought out the perfidy of Pakistan in annexing these regions through a process of false legislation and use of force. Pakistan denied to the people of this region the same fundamental right to determine their future, which they appeared to champion for the people of Jammu and Kashmir. It is a story of deception, discrimination, forgery and falsehoods. For his exposure of Pakistan, he has relied mostly on documents and sources from Pakistan, the West and the UN.

The book has a wealth of new information about the Pakistan strategy even before the accession of J&K to India. For instance, Pakistan developed the narrative that the Provisional Government of Azad Jammu and Kashmir was announced on 24 October 1947, though this was done only on 27 October. The date of accession was 25 October.

Considerable evidence is already available to show that the so-called tribal invasion was nothing but a Pakistan operation, authorized by the Pakistan Prime Minister. The author quotes Col Akbar Khan, who led the “tribals” under the pseudonym, Gen Tariq as having proposed an internal revolt, but it was turned into a tribal revolt at a meeting chaired by Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan. Akbar Khan has dismissed the theory that some ex-soldiers had revolted against the Dogra government in Poonch. They had disintegrated as soon as they came close to danger. But astonishingly, India did not take the matter to the UN as an act of aggression under Chapter VII, but as a matter of dispute and referred to the invasion as “tribal” in certain documents. The Pakistani action failed to capture the Kashmir Valley, but it forced the Maharaja to accede to India and Pakistan got possession of a vast swathe of Indian territory—the Northern Areas.

Another revelation in the book relates to the Karachi Agreement of 1949 among Pakistan government, the Muslim Conference and POK government, which formed the basis of the division of functions among the three of them. The Agreement came to light only in 1993, when an Azad Kashmir High Court declared that the Muslim Conference’s ceding of the Northern Areas to Pakistan was a violation of the UNCIP resolution that required that status quo be maintained. The POK government was based neither on elections, nor on a constitution. It was a creation of Pakistan and run by the Ministry of Kashmir Affairs and Northern Areas. What is more, Sardar Ibrahim, who had declared a provisional government in October 1947, denied that he had ever signed the Karachi Agreement, making the whole POK saga not only illegal but also a deception. Sardar Ibrahim said publicly that he had made many mistakes, but not this one.

The commonly used, but much misunderstood concepts like self-determination, wishes of the people and plebiscite were used by Pakistan to suit its convenience without commitment to any of these. The author examines these in the context of the contradictory positions Pakistan has adopted in the case of POK on the one hand and the UN on the other. As far as POK is concerned, all actions of the Pakistan government were arbitrary and without any consultation with the people concerned.

At the UN, Pakistan espouses self-determination in various fora and a majority of states support the concept. India has maintained that self-determination applies only to areas under foreign or colonial occupation. Both India and Pakistan accepted the plebiscite. But the resolution laid down different obligations on the two countries and so far as the withdrawal of troops was concerned, there were differences. Pakistan was supposed to withdraw all its forces, after which India was to withdraw only the bulk of its forces from the state. It was also allowed to retain a minimum force that is considered necessary to observe law and order. This position meant the acceptance by the UN of the legality of accession. Bhutto had lamented in the Pakistan National Assembly that the UN resolution had thus jeopardized the right to self-determination in Jammu and Kashmir. It was evident that the plebiscite would not take place in these circumstances. But Pakistan keeps calling for the implementation of the UN resolutions just to deceive the world. The fact is that Pakistan was never confident of winning the plebiscite, as Benazir Bhutto confessed even in 1994. India’s rejection of the plebiscite on account of the changed times is a blessing in disguise for Pakistan. The author quotes Sheikh Abdullah from his book: “One of our activists, Ali Mohammad Tariq, asked Jinnah if the future would be decided by the people of Kashmir. Pat came the reply, ‘Let the people go to hell’.” That is the dictum that Pakistan has followed in its entire history.

The Sino-Pak Treaty of 1963 was another landmark in Pakistan’s disregard for the wishes of the people. Pakistan had no qualms in giving away a part of POK to China. The Karakoram Highway, which was built with Chinese funding, has been reinforced by the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). The projects designed by China are being built in total disregard of the autonomy of the region and the environmental damage they cause. No wonder, India has rejected China’s BRI on the ground that it has violated the integrity of Kashmir.

The book has much more evidence to show that “the web of knowledge, strategy and interests has condemned the people of POK and G-B to an uncertain future for an indefinite period.” The same applies to Pakistan itself. “The clock cannot be put back. But the pain could be lessened if the countries move towards regional integration within existing boundaries,” concludes the author. He implies that the return of all areas illegally occupied by Pakistan to India should be the first step in that direction.

As a serious researcher, Dinkar Srivastava has packed the book with legal and constitutional material, consciously avoiding anecdotes, except for a couple of them. But the facts are absorbing and revelatory enough to read it with sustained interest and to treasure it as a valuable historical document. For professional diplomats, who have a battle ahead to counter Pakistan’s propaganda at the UN and elsewhere, the book will be a boon as it contains enough ammunition to demolish Pakistan’s hypocritical position.

T.P. Sreenivasan (IFS 1967) is a former Ambassador of India and Governor for India of the IAEA

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INS Arihant’s Nuke-Capable K-4 Submarine-Launched Ballistic Missile ‘Ready To Roll’

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INS Arihant’s Nuke-Capable K-4 Submarine-Launched Ballistic Missile ‘Ready To Roll’


NEW DELHI: India tested its nuclear capable K-4 submarine-launched ballistic missile (SLBM), designed to have a strike range of 3,500 km, for the second time in six days on Friday. The missile test, as the one conducted on January 19, was undertaken from an undersea platform in the shape of a submersible pontoon off the coast of Andhra Pradesh according to a report by Rajat Pandit of TOI.

The solid-fuelled K-4 missile is being developed by DRDO to arm the country’s nuclear-powered submarines in the shape of INS Arihant and its under-development sister vessels. INS Arihant, which became fully operational in November 2018 to complete India’s nuclear triad, is currently armed with the much shorter K-15 missiles with a 750 km range.

“The K-4 is now virtually ready for its serial production to kick-off. The two tests have demonstrated its capability to emerge straight from underwater and undertake its parabolic trajectory,” said a source.

India has the land-based Agni missiles, with the over 5,000-km Agni-V inter-continental ballistic missile now in the process of being inducted, and fighter jets jury-rigged to deliver nuclear weapons. But INS Arihant gives the country’s deterrence posture much more credibility because nuclear-powered submarines armed with nuclear-tipped missiles are considered the most secure, survivable and potent platforms for retaliatory strikes.

Once the K-4 missiles are inducted, they will help India narrow the gap with countries like the US, Russia and China, which have over 5,000-km range SLBMs. The K-4 missiles are to be followed by the K-5 and K-6 missiles in the 5,000-6,000 km range class.

The 6,000-ton INS Arihant, which is propelled by an 83 MW pressurised light-water reactor at its core, in turn, is to be followed by INS Arighat, which was launched in 2017. The next generation of nuclear submarines, currently called S-4 and S-4*, will be much larger in size.





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After Upgradation, Sukhoi Su-30MKI Indigenisation To Reach 78%

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After Upgradation, Sukhoi Su-30MKI Indigenisation To Reach 78%


India has received clearance to upgrade 84 Sukhoi Su-30MKI fighter jets, which will result in 78% indigenization after the upgrade

In a significant step towards bolstering its military might with indigenously developed technology, India is poised to witness its Russian-origin Sukhoi Su-30MKI fighter jets evolve into a domestic platform. Speaking at a recent lecture.

The upgrade program is being led by Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) in partnership with the Indian Air Force and other partners. The upgrade is expected to cost US$7.5 billion.

The Defence Acquisition Council (DAC) granted Acceptance of Necessity (AoN) for the upgrade. The upgrade is part of India’s efforts to improve the capabilities of its primary fighter aircraft, it refers to as the “Super Sukhoi”.

This initiative is a part of a larger effort by the Indian Air Force to modernize its ageing fleet. Air Chief Marshal Chaudhari asserted the critical role of an offensive air force as demonstrated in current global conflicts and emphasized India’s move towards an indigenized arsenal. To this end, the IAF has been proactive, from upgrading its Mirage 2000 to enhancing its MiG-29 fleet.

In summary, the IAF’s commitment to updating their combat forces with the latest technology, including shifting to fifth-generation fighter jets, ensures operational preparedness and a strong deterrence capability. The gradual indigenization of its air fleet marks a pivotal shift in India’s defence landscape, reducing dependency on foreign imports and fostering technological sovereignty.





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Akash Weapon System Exports For The Armenian Armed Forces Gathers Pace

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Akash Weapon System Exports For The Armenian Armed Forces Gathers Pace


According to unconfirmed reports, Armenia is a top contender for an export order for Akash SAM system manufactured by Bharat Dynamics Limited (BDL).

While there is no official confirmation because of the sensitivities involved, documents suggest that the order for the same has already been placed the report further added.
There are nine countries, in turn, which have shown interest in the indigenously-developed Akash missile systems, which can intercept hostile aircraft, helicopters, drones and subsonic cruise missiles at a range of 25-km. They are Kenya, Philippines, Indonesia, UAE, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Vietnam and Algeria reported TOI.

The Akash export version will also be slightly different from the one inducted by the armed forces. The 100-km range air-to-air Astra missiles, now entering production after successful trials from Sukhoi-30MKI fighters, also have “good export potential”, said sources.

Akash is a “tried, tested and successfully inducted systems”. Indian armed forces have ordered Akash systems worth Rs 24,000 crore over the years, and MoD inked a contract in Mar 2023 of over Rs 9,100 crores for improved Akash Weapon System

BDL is a government enterprise under the Ministry of Defence that was established in 1970. BDL manufactures surface-to-air missiles and delivers them to the Indian Army. BDL also offers its products for export.

Akash Weapon System

The AWS is a Short Range Surface to Air Missile (SRSAM) Air Defence System, indigenously designed and developed by Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO). In order to meet aerial threats, two additional Regiments of AWS with Upgradation are being procured for Indian Army for the Northern borders. Improved AWS has Seeker Technology, Reduced Foot Print, 360° Engagement Capability and improved environmental parameters.

The project will give a boost to the Indian missile manufacturing industry in particular and the indigenous defence manufacturing ecosystem as a whole. The project has overall indigenous content of 82% which will be increased to 93% by 2026-27.

The induction of the improved AWS into the Indian Army will increase India’s self-reliance in Short Range Missile capability. This project will play a role in boosting the overall economy by avoiding outgo of precious foreign exchange to other countries, increasing employment avenues in India and encouraging Indian MSMEs through components manufacturing. Around 60% of the project cost will be awarded to the private industry, including MSMEs, in maintaining the supply chain of the weapon system, thereby creating large scale of direct and indirect employment.





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