Indian Defense
Declassifying India’s War Records Will Pave Way For More Objective Assessment of Military History

by Harsh V Pant & Kartik Bommakanti
Defence Minister Rajnath Singh’s announcement that war records will be archived and declassified after every 25 years is, indeed, a welcome move. According to the latest announcement, responsibility for declassifying records will be with the Ministry of Defence (MoD) History Division. The earlier policy was clearly inadequate. Despite previous efforts to declassify material recommended by committees such as the N.N. Vohra Committee Report and the Kargil Review Committee Report led by K. Subrahmanyam, there was no progress.
There are several reasons to welcome this move by the Modi government. The proclivity to politicise military and national security challenges has been a bane for India. Further, previous governments were wary and resistant to declassification because of its ostensibly adverse impact on national security. National security has been used as a frequent canard and tended to be the leitmotif to prevent a coherent declassification policy. The contention that India still faces active disputes with China and Pakistan, which are yet to be resolved and, therefore, secrecy should govern classification has also stymied openness.
Declassification will enable a more objective assessment of post-Independence India’s military history, helping policymakers make more informed decisions on policies relating to the country’s military security. A more liberalised declassification system will also help the de-politicisation of military events, especially wars India has fought. Several democratic countries have adopted and currently pursue automatic declassification of official records as the table 1 below shows, although they vary.
Before the latest announcement, which still needs to crystallise into actual change, official war histories were commissioned in India, which was the only way of ascertaining what exactly transpired. All the wars since 1947 have official histories or something that comes close to official accounts such as the Kargil Review Committee Report, which are publicly available. The 1962 Sino-India boundary war too has an official history, but remains the lone exception to declassification. The Henderson Brooks Report, which investigated the debacle of the 1962 war, is yet to be declassified; although the first part is available online, released by the Australian author and journalist Neville Maxwell, who published a controversial revisionist analysis on the conflict. Further, Indian official military histories have generally been operational histories.

Before the latest announcement, which still needs to crystallise into actual change, official war histories were commissioned in India, which was the only way of ascertaining what exactly transpired. All the wars since 1947 have official histories or something that comes close to official accounts such as the Kargil Review Committee Report, which are publicly available. The 1962 Sino-India boundary war too has an official history, but remains the lone exception to declassification. The Henderson Brooks Report, which investigated the debacle of the 1962 war, is yet to be declassified; although the first part is available online, released by the Australian author and journalist Neville Maxwell, who published a controversial revisionist analysis on the conflict. Further, Indian official military histories have generally been operational histories.
Beyond official histories, other publicly available sources have included first person accounts and memoirs. Oral history testimonies have also played some part in filling gaps in the public’s understanding of past conflicts. However, these sources of information remain inadequate. Further, official histories, while generally based on classified sources, although objective, are dry assessments, making them insufficient to get to a fuller understanding of what exactly occurred and how a conflict started and unfolded.
The 1947-48, 1965 and 1971 wars against Pakistan and the Sino-Indian war of 1962 have official histories, but they lack any independent historical and rigorous analysis. In addition, the way to understand decisions made in the run-up to and during a conflict can only be gained through a clear declassification of documents, notes and communiques between officials and decision-makers. Consequently, the public is all the more enriched with diverse historical interpretations of the conflicts in which India has been involved.
While history does not teach lessons generally and, more specifically, military history does not teach the public or policy-makers lessons, it can at best provide critical illuminative value. It will give Indians a sense of why they are where they are in terms of the state of India’s relations with China and Pakistan and what went right and wrong in India’s conflicts with these two countries.
Beyond Archival Research
However, beyond declassification of material for archival research, there are other merits to the declassification announcement. Let us consider military reforms in India’s higher defence management and organisation. Any historian and scholar would want to know the internal deliberations that occurred within and between the services before the last 25 years on defence reforms. To be sure, the importance of higher defence reforms may seem obvious today because there are ongoing visible and public debates on the subject. However, declassified archival sources are the surest way to understand why defence reforms are stillborn or missing, by revealing the pressures, the constraints, the lack of leadership, foresight and risk-aversion that have stymied change.
Interviews by scholars of retired military officials or key bureaucratic officials can only partially redress our gaps in understanding why higher defence remains impaired, despite the Modi government’s decision to establish the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) post. Indeed, declassification will enable scholarly study on higher defence organisation, defence procurement, military intelligence studies, recruitment standards and priorities of the armed services, military personnel issues, training and so on. Archival material will enable a more credible, richer and more rigorous scholarly analysis in these areas.
Generally, all the wars fought since Indian independence in 1947 to the present day have largely been written by historians or experts who, at one point or another, served in the Indian armed services. While their contributions are important and substantial, their advantages with access to a whole range of former military officials and in some cases serving military personnel are a critical reason for their publication on matters relating to the military.
The study and writing of military history in a democratic society cannot be the exclusive monopoly and preserve of experts who have served in the armed forces or for that matter serving officers from the uniformed services. Civilian scholars who have had no military experience must engage with all issues surrounding the three services and India’s wars. There are a whole range of notable historians without any military backgrounds outside India who have made significant contributions to military history such as John Keegan, Lawrence Freedman and Richard Overy, to name a few; and there is no reason why Indians cannot emulate them.
Military service is not a pre-requisite for studying military history. More than serving or former officers, it is civilians who must shed their inhibitions when it comes to scholarship on military history and military-related subjects. With the government now deciding to pursue a declassification policy, civilian scholars will have access to declassified military-related material. Consequently, their contributions to the field will be for the better and hopefully Indian academic institutions will be able to give military history its due.
Yet many challenges remain, the most significant one being the need to spell out clearly what kinds of products could come out of this initiative and how the structures and processes to manage this would be organised. A new post of DG Armed Forces History will become an imperative. A Joint Secretary may not be well positioned to lead this initiative and committees will only lead to dead ends. Histories must be professionally commissioned, steered and edited till such time as the Indian armed forces have the in-house ability to research and write with authority.
The government has made a good start, but it should not stop here as much work is needed to shift from India’s archaic system of declassification to one which is in sync with the requirements of contemporary times.
Indian Defense
INS Arihant’s Nuke-Capable K-4 Submarine-Launched Ballistic Missile ‘Ready To Roll’

The solid-fuelled K-4 missile is being developed by DRDO to arm the country’s nuclear-powered submarines in the shape of INS Arihant and its under-development sister vessels. INS Arihant, which became fully operational in November 2018 to complete India’s nuclear triad, is currently armed with the much shorter K-15 missiles with a 750 km range.
“The K-4 is now virtually ready for its serial production to kick-off. The two tests have demonstrated its capability to emerge straight from underwater and undertake its parabolic trajectory,” said a source.

India has the land-based Agni missiles, with the over 5,000-km Agni-V inter-continental ballistic missile now in the process of being inducted, and fighter jets jury-rigged to deliver nuclear weapons. But INS Arihant gives the country’s deterrence posture much more credibility because nuclear-powered submarines armed with nuclear-tipped missiles are considered the most secure, survivable and potent platforms for retaliatory strikes.
Once the K-4 missiles are inducted, they will help India narrow the gap with countries like the US, Russia and China, which have over 5,000-km range SLBMs. The K-4 missiles are to be followed by the K-5 and K-6 missiles in the 5,000-6,000 km range class.
The 6,000-ton INS Arihant, which is propelled by an 83 MW pressurised light-water reactor at its core, in turn, is to be followed by INS Arighat, which was launched in 2017. The next generation of nuclear submarines, currently called S-4 and S-4*, will be much larger in size.
Indian Defense
After Upgradation, Sukhoi Su-30MKI Indigenisation To Reach 78%

India has received clearance to upgrade 84 Sukhoi Su-30MKI fighter jets, which will result in 78% indigenization after the upgrade
In a significant step towards bolstering its military might with indigenously developed technology, India is poised to witness its Russian-origin Sukhoi Su-30MKI fighter jets evolve into a domestic platform. Speaking at a recent lecture.
The upgrade program is being led by Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) in partnership with the Indian Air Force and other partners. The upgrade is expected to cost US$7.5 billion.
This initiative is a part of a larger effort by the Indian Air Force to modernize its ageing fleet. Air Chief Marshal Chaudhari asserted the critical role of an offensive air force as demonstrated in current global conflicts and emphasized India’s move towards an indigenized arsenal. To this end, the IAF has been proactive, from upgrading its Mirage 2000 to enhancing its MiG-29 fleet.
In summary, the IAF’s commitment to updating their combat forces with the latest technology, including shifting to fifth-generation fighter jets, ensures operational preparedness and a strong deterrence capability. The gradual indigenization of its air fleet marks a pivotal shift in India’s defence landscape, reducing dependency on foreign imports and fostering technological sovereignty.
Indian Defense
Akash Weapon System Exports For The Armenian Armed Forces Gathers Pace

According to unconfirmed reports, Armenia is a top contender for an export order for Akash SAM system manufactured by Bharat Dynamics Limited (BDL).
The Akash export version will also be slightly different from the one inducted by the armed forces. The 100-km range air-to-air Astra missiles, now entering production after successful trials from Sukhoi-30MKI fighters, also have “good export potential”, said sources.
Akash is a “tried, tested and successfully inducted systems”. Indian armed forces have ordered Akash systems worth Rs 24,000 crore over the years, and MoD inked a contract in Mar 2023 of over Rs 9,100 crores for improved Akash Weapon System
BDL is a government enterprise under the Ministry of Defence that was established in 1970. BDL manufactures surface-to-air missiles and delivers them to the Indian Army. BDL also offers its products for export.
Akash Weapon System
The AWS is a Short Range Surface to Air Missile (SRSAM) Air Defence System, indigenously designed and developed by Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO). In order to meet aerial threats, two additional Regiments of AWS with Upgradation are being procured for Indian Army for the Northern borders. Improved AWS has Seeker Technology, Reduced Foot Print, 360° Engagement Capability and improved environmental parameters.
The project will give a boost to the Indian missile manufacturing industry in particular and the indigenous defence manufacturing ecosystem as a whole. The project has overall indigenous content of 82% which will be increased to 93% by 2026-27.
The induction of the improved AWS into the Indian Army will increase India’s self-reliance in Short Range Missile capability. This project will play a role in boosting the overall economy by avoiding outgo of precious foreign exchange to other countries, increasing employment avenues in India and encouraging Indian MSMEs through components manufacturing. Around 60% of the project cost will be awarded to the private industry, including MSMEs, in maintaining the supply chain of the weapon system, thereby creating large scale of direct and indirect employment.
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