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Everything you need to know about the conflict between Israel and Lebanon – explainer
Israel has long experienced strife with its neighbors, and the country of Lebanon is no exception.
The two countries have fought multiple conflicts, and tensions have always remained high along the border. And in recent months, amid the ongoing Israel-Hamas War, experts fear a dangerous escalation between the two countries seems more likely.
But what is the Israel-Lebanon conflict? How did it start? Who are the key players involved?
Here is everything you need to know.Where is Israel?
Israel is a country in the Middle East, specifically in the Levant region. It is steeped in thousands of years of history and has been the home of numerous civilizations and religious faiths.
Israel is bordered by Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, and the Palestinian territories and is on the coast of both the Mediterranean Sea and the Red Sea.
While most countries consider Tel Aviv its capital, Israel and a few other countries, such as the United States, recognize Jerusalem as the capital. Its largest city in the North is Haifa.
Israel also has control over a region known as the Golan Heights, which borders Syria and Lebanon. Israel formally annexed the territory, and its sovereignty was recognized by the US, but other countries only see it as occupied territory.
Where is Lebanon?
Lebanon is an Arab country in the Middle East bordered only by Israel and Syria. Its coastline is along the Mediterranean Sea, and the island nation of Cyprus is relatively close by across the sea. Lebanon’s capital city is Beirut.
Like Israel, Lebanon has a rich history going back thousands of years. It has been home to numerous religious faiths and nations throughout the ages. Most recently, it was a French colony before becoming independent in the 1940s.
How long is the Israel-Lebanon border?
The Israel-Lebanon border is an ongoing debate, and neither of the two countries involved has agreed upon it.
According to the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL), the de facto border, around 120 kilometers long, is known as the Blue Line. It is a demarcation line separating Israel and the Golan Heights from Lebanon. However, it is considered a mere withdrawal line, not a permanent border.
Currently, several locations along this line are the subject of a dispute over sovereignty between Israel and Lebanon, including the town of Ghajar, the Shebaa Farms, and the peak of Rosh Hanikra.
A dispute also existed over the Israeli-Lebanon maritime border, specifically over control of the Kana and Karish natural gas fields, but this dispute was settled in 2022.
Why are Israel and Lebanon enemies?
This is a complicated question with considerable history attached.
Israel and Lebanon have been enemies since 1948 when Lebanon took part in the Arab attack on the nascent Jewish state in the War of Independence. Since then, they have officially been enemy states.
Relations were worsened during the Lebanese Civil War and the first Israeli-Lebanon War (see below), and the two countries don’t have ties to this day.
The issue has a lot of nuances and factors in hostile elements in Lebanon, such as Hezbollah (see below).
Why did Israel invade Lebanon in 1982?
Israel had been in conflict with the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) for years. The organization had taken root in southern Lebanon and had launched a series of attacks against Israel, with the IDF having launched counterattacks.
After an assassination attempt by Palestinian terrorists on Israeli ambassador Shlomo Argov, then-Israeli prime minister Menachem Begin ordered the invasion of Lebanon to wipe out the PLO.
It should be noted that many historians and records point to the Abu Nidal Organization, rather than the PLO, as being behind the assassination attempt at the behest of Iraq to spark a war in Lebanon. Still, ultimately, the stated goal of the invasion was to target the PLO and its Syrian allies.
To do this, Israel allied with Maronite Christian groups such as the Lebanese Front and the Phalangists and swept into Southern Lebanon and occupied it. The result was the PLO relocating out of Lebanon and the installation of a new regime under Bachir Gemayel.
However, Israel couldn’t maintain its position in the area following Gemayel’s assassination and the Sabra and Shalita massacre, where Israel’s Phalangist allies massacred Palestinian civilians.
Why did Israel leave Lebanon?
As Israeli public opinion towards the war continued to sour and after a peace treaty became more and more unlikely to happen, the IDF had to withdraw to southern Lebanon, which they finished doing in 1985.
Occupying southern Lebanon allowed Israel to establish a security buffer, keeping mainland Israel safe from cross-border attacks by Palestinian terrorist groups.
However, Lebanese and Palestinian forces continued to wage a guerilla conflict against Israel and its allies over the next 15 years as the occupation continued to worsen relations with locals.
Eventually, Hezbollah became the dominant guerilla force in the region and was able to threaten the Galilee region with rocket fire and psychological warfare, which Israel struggled to combat against.
Eventually, in 2000, then-Israeli prime minister Ehud Barak withdrew from southern Lebanon unilaterally, fulfilling his campaign promise.
What is Hezbollah?
Hezbollah is a Shi’ite Islamist terrorist group and political party in Lebanon founded in 1985. It was initially established as a response to the 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon and quickly came under the backing of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Hezbollah, led currently by Hassan Nasrallah, swiftly became the dominant armed group in Lebanon and was able to help push Israel out of southern Lebanon. Its fighters are well-trained and have also participated in conflicts in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Syria.
Over the years, Hezbollah has grown in power, being widely considered to be better equipped and trained than the Lebanese Army and arguably the strongest non-state actor anywhere in the world. It boasts tens of thousands of armed fighters, including the highly-trained Radwan Force commandos, and a wide range of rockets, missiles, drones, tanks, and other armored vehicles. Much of its military funding and training comes from its ally Iran.
Hezbollah has also achieved political power, winning control of large swathes of the Lebanese parliament during elections. It maintains its own affiliated news outlets, social services, radio and satellite TV stations, and more. It has gained so much power in Lebanon that many refer to Hezbollah as a state within a state.
However, Hezbollah is widely considered a terrorist organization around the world, though many, like the European Union, argue that only its military wing is a terrorist organization while its political faction is not. Exceptions to this trend include Russia, Iraq, China, North Korea, Syria, and Algeria.
In addition, Hezbollah has maintained that its primary goal is the destruction of Israel.
How many missiles does Hezbollah have aimed at Israel?
In late October 2023, publicly available sources gathered by the Institute for National Security Studies (INSS) at Tel Aviv University and the US-based Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) noted that Hezbollah had around 150,000 missiles and rockets of various types. These include short-range rockets to guided missiles, anti-ship, anti-tank, and surface-to-air missiles. Some of these missiles, such as the Fateh-110, could reach well into Israel’s South, with a range of around 300 kilometers. These missiles, unlike rockets, are also very accurate, boasting GPS navigation.
This is also without mentioning an unknown number of drones in Hezbollah’s possession.
However, these exact figures are outdated as the war has raged on, and the current statistics are unknown.
Why did Hezbollah attack Israel in 2006?
On July 12, 2006, Hezbollah launched rockets at Israel in a diversionary tactic, carrying out a targeted anti-tank missile strike on IDF vehicles, killing eight soldiers and taking two others prisoner, Ehud Goldwasser and Eldad Regev.
Hezbollah proceeded to demand certain prisoners be freed in exchange for the Israeli soldiers. Still, Israel instead carried out a military assault, sending ground troops into southern Lebanon while striking targets from the air and sea.
Hezbollah’s motivation appears to be to force Israel into a prisoner exchange, though they also claimed issue with Israel’s continued control over the disputed Shebaa Farms.
Why is Israel attacking in Lebanon?
The current conflict between Israel and Hezbollah was started just a day after Hamas attacked Israel, carrying out the October 7 Massacre.
That very next day, Hezbollah carried out attacks on the Shebaa Farms and declared support for Hamas’s actions.
This was further exacerbated by Hamas and other armed Palestinian groups in Lebanon carrying out attacks on Israel, as well as Israel’s tensions with Iran.
Following this, tensions have continued to escalate as both sides trade fire over the border, and many in Israel are raising calls to launch a more extensive campaign to eliminate Hezbollah to preserve Israel’s security interests.
Hundreds have already been killed or wounded due to the conflict, and it remains to be seen how this will escalate going forward.
This week, a special tour group of Knesset members is expected to visit various schools in east Jerusalem as part of the work of the ‘Subcommittee for Curricula in east Jerusalem and Their Supervision’ headed by MK Avichai Boaron of Likud. Due to security and political sensitivities, only subcommittee members will be allowed to participate in the visit under heavy security.
During the visit, Knesset members will be able to discuss and meet face-to-face with relevant factors in the education system, learn about existing challenges and opportunities, and examine ways to improve and enhance learning and teaching processes to meet the government’s targets for transitioning students from Palestinian to Israeli curricula.
MK Boaron emphasized that the visit is intended to allow Knesset members to get a firsthand impression of what’s happening in East Jerusalem schools and to formulate an up-to-date and accurate picture that will serve as a basis for promoting wise and effective policy in the field of education in the eastern part of the city.
Boaron added, “The subcommittee under my leadership is committed to working to improve the quality of education in East Jerusalem, while ensuring quality curricula adapted to the needs of the students. We believe that education is the key to integration and advancement of society in the eastern part of the city, and we will do everything in our power to ensure that every student gets the opportunity to realize their potential.”In a discussion held a few days ago in the Education Committee’s subcommittee, the data behind the government’s decision regarding education in East Jerusalem was revealed, budgeted at one billion NIS, and far from meeting its goals.
The committee’s findings
The committee also revealed that 6000 out of 6700 teachers were trained in the Palestinian Authority, and 85 percent of schools (over 90,000 out of 110,000 students) still study the Palestinian Authority’s curriculum.
The data also showed that close to 200 million NIS from the amount allocated for this matter in the government’s decision were invested in the program. Still, only 2000 students have transitioned in the last two years from the Palestinian program to the Israeli program. In fact, the State of Israel invests one million NIS to transition a student in East Jerusalem from the Palestinian program to the Israeli one.
In the discussion ahead of the special tour, Boaron said, “This committee was established to deal with a problem that is nothing less than a powder keg placed in the heart of Jerusalem, the capital city of the State of Israel. Before we go to ‘de-Nazify’ the students of the Gaza Strip, we must examine the learning content here in Jerusalem. After many years under the minister’s leadership, incitement content was removed from the learning materials. In parallel, about a year and a half ago, the minister led a government decision to replace the Palestinian curriculum with an Israeli curriculum. This decision is good and important. However, this decision did not bring about the desired change – east Jerusalem residents are not interested in adopting the Israeli curriculum, and the teachers themselves are not willing to teach the program.”
“My colleagues and I will do everything to change this delusional reality. This intolerable situation cannot continue.” He continued.
“The latest government decision on this issue speaks of slow and gradual treatment of the problem before us, but this is a big mistake. The treatment of this problem must be sharp and quick. In the coming months, if the situation does not change significantly for the better, I will turn to the Prime Minister and recommend canceling the government’s decision on the matter and making a completely different decision. We need to deal with the complex problems existing in the current education of east Jerusalem students in a much more stubborn and severe manner than what is happening today. The committee’s discussions help us understand the scope of the problem and its severity and decide on the best tools to deal with its correction.”
Following that discussion, MK Boaron sent a letter to the Prime Minister, the Minister of Education, and other officials to share the data and conclusions and even proposed an innovative idea to examine cooperation with Arab countries and connect them to the education system in east Jerusalem.
“Education in east Jerusalem is a national event, no less.” MK Boaron concluded, “And that’s how it should be treated, with seriousness and gravity. For decades we have allowed this bomb to grow quietly and without interference, with God’s help we intend to study the issue in depth, and lead significant processes in the matter together with all the factors, the existing situation must change.”
There is no question about it: Hamas chief Yahya Sinwar has trapped somebody – the only question is whom? Has he trapped Israel into falling clumsily into the regional war that he always wanted on October 7, with all of the negatives that entails?
Or has he trapped Iran, and its main proxy Hezbollah, into prematurely wasting their great moments, capabilities, and threats to aid Sinwar’s lost cause in Gaza, instead of reserving them to deter Jerusalem from attacking Iran’s nuclear program?
Going back in time, Sinwar’s calculation – until now, miscalculation – was that if he invaded southern Israel, Hezbollah, Iran, Yemen, Syrian militias, West Bank terrorists, and Arab Israelis would all join in.
In his best-case scenario, Hezbollah would have invaded Israel’s northern villages just as Hamas was invading the South, providing a one-two punch that would have confused and paralyzed the IDF even more than it was from Hamas’s stunningly successful initial thrust.It also would have rocketed large portions of Israel to create further chaos and disorder and put Israelthe Jewish state on the defensive.
Instead, Hezbollah sufficed with a mostly symbolic (at a strategic level) string of rocket and drone attacks on only on Israel’s villages and cities located very close to the border.
At the earliest stages, Hezbollah did not attack the Golan Heights or places like Safed, Acre, or Nahariya.
Yemen never joined in anything more than a sporadic way and onwith a significant delay.
Iran neverdidn’t joined until April, and since then has mostly remained on the sidelines.
The other fronts have been quiet or nonstrategic factors.
But maybe after waiting 11 months, Sinwar could have trapped Israel into picking a larger fight with Hezbollah, which could finally bring Hezbollah, Iranthe Lebanese-based terrorist group, its Iranian sponsor, and others into the war in a more full-fledged fashion.
Sinwar also hoped to delay or end the trend of Israeli normalization with moderate Sunni Arab countries, such as with the Saudis, which seemed imminent in September 2023.
LastLastly, he hoped to undermine Israel’s alliances with the US, UK, and EU, and to get Israel in trouble with international courts.
In turn, this could lead Israel to finally agree to his terms of allowing Hamas to remain in power and to releasing massive numbers of Palestinian security prisoners. He could then be seen as the new Palestinian “Saladin” of the 21st century – the man who brought Israel to its knees and forced it to recognize Hamas.
This is no fantasy.
Normalization with the Saudis has been delayed, alliances with the West have been frayed, and international courts are after Israel in an unprecedented fashion, even as compared to prior wars.
The unanswered dilemma is who will come out on top in the escalating conflict with Hezbollah.
If Hezbollah manages to harm Israel enough with its rocket arsenal or outlast Jerusalem enough to force improved ceasefire terms for itself and Hamas, Sinwar’s trap will have succeeded, albeit with an 11-month delay.
But this is far from the most likely scenario.
Since last Tuesday, Hezbollah has been battered and pummeled in ways it never expected.
The Lebanese terror group has lost 3,000-4,000 fighters, its Radwan commander Ibrahim Aqil and 13-15 of his subordinate commanders, more than 500 rocket launchers, and many thousands of rockets.
What if the IDF at some point overcomes Hezbollah’s ability to swarm it with long-range precision rockets and enormous volumes of short-range rockets?
What if the IDF at some point achieves an overmatch capability against Hezbollah where its main threats against Israel are neutered, if not neutralized?
Shockingly, this might even be possible without an invasion.
Or what if the IDF manages an invasion of Lebanon without Hezbollah being able to destroy large stretches of the home front with its rocket arsenal juggernaut, as had always been predicted in worst-case scenarios?
The whole purpose of Hezbollah from Iran’s perspective, which provides its rocket arsenal, funding, and training, was to deter Israel from ever attacking Tehran’s nuclear facilities, lest it give up its ace in the hole.
What if Sinwar had led Hezbollah into a war it was not ready to fight, with the IDF achieving massive strategic surprise and suddenly degrading the Hezbollah threat to a point where it no longer served to deter the Jewish state from acting against Iran?
In that case, Sinwar’s trap will have boomeranged into undermining the head of the axis of Middle Eastern evil, Iran, as well as defanging its top proxy threat – Hezbollah.
He would then go down in history as not only the destroyer of Gaza but as the gambler who bungled decades of careful Iranian planning and put Israel in its strongest security position in years
Abd Al-Salam Haniyeh, the son of the killed Hamas terror leader Ismail Haniyeh, claimed in an August interview with SamaQuds that his father rejected the “deal of a century” which would have seen the establishment of Palestinian statehood, according to a translation by the Middle East Media Research Institute.
Haniyeh Jr. claimed that the deal would have allegedly seen billions invested into Gaza.
“May our hands be paralyzed if we sign an agreement which would separate Gaza from Palestine,” the Hamas leader has allegedly said in response to the proposed deal.
The deal would have also encompassed the disarmament of Hamas.
Haniyeh also claimed that media coverage of the 2008-2009 conflict also saw increased convoys entering the Gaza Strip, which led to more active construction of terror tunnels.
Rejecting statehood
The Palestinian leadership has rejected multiple deals that would see the establishment of Palestinian statehood. In 1936, the British offered the Peel Commission, which would have seen a separate Arab state but which was rejected by the Palestinian leadership, according to CIJA.
In 1948, Palestinian leadership rejected the Partition Plan, which also encompassed an opportunity for statehood. In 2000, under Prime Minister Ehud Barak, the Chairman of the Palestinian Authority, Yasser Arafat, again rejected an offer of statehood. Finally, as referenced by Haniyeh, in 2008, Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas rejected a land-for-peace offer.
Hamas officials have continued to speak against a two-state solution in conversation with Arab media, insisting on a singular Arab nation.
Ismail Haniyeh
Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh was assassinated in July while attending the inauguration of Iran’s new president in Tehran.
While Israel neither accepted nor denied responsibility for the attack, Iran has promised to retaliate.
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