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Gen Rawat’s ‘Clash of Civilisation’ Row Shows Military Should Be Seen But Not Heard In Press

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Gen Rawat’s ‘Clash of Civilisation’ Row Shows Military Should Be Seen But Not Heard In Press

Media appearances of Gen Bipin Rawat, both as COAS and CDS, have left an avoidable trail of faux pas and opinions that have generated needless controversies

by Lt General Prakash Menon

On 15 September, the Chief of Defence Staff General Bipin Rawat posed a question before a gathering of Delhi’s strategic community. He asked them, rhetorically, whether China’s growing engagement with Iran, Turkey, and Afghanistan would lead to the rebooting of the ‘Clash of Civilisations’ theory with the Chinese and Islamic civilisations joining against the Western world? The query raised by the CDS was part of an intellectual discourse and not, by any standards, a policy statement. But the media reported it as such and ended up seeding a controversy during a sensitive phase in China-India relations.

A day later, Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar chose to clarify the doubt before his Chinese counterpart Wang Yi during a meeting on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation in Dushanbe: “India had never subscribed to any clash of civilisations theory”. But the CDS, who is no stranger to controversies, again found himself at the receiving end. The episode raises questions about civil-military-media relations that need scrutiny.

CDS Statement And India’s Foreign Relations

The foreign minister’s clarification seems to indicate dissonance among the civil-military components of the government. The ground for dissonance was laid by the media that projected the CDS’ intellectual query as a policy statement. The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), without due diligence, seemed to have blindly swallowed the media narrative. Worse, they may have seen it as an opportunity to score brownie points against China just before a high-level diplomatic interaction, at a time when relations are frayed and in need of repair.

The MEA contradicting the distorted context of the CDS’ remarks was certainly deliberate and may be viewed as deft diplomacy applied to further national interests. There is still the question of whether the CDS, who wears several heavy hats, should make public statements that impinge on India’s foreign relations?

National policy level statements could, under exceptional circumstances, emanate from any of the many heavy hats the CDS dons. But in our democracy, it will always be institutionally derived. Gen Rawat’s query was not a policy statement. It emerged from an individual discourse probing the contours of global geopolitics. But to borrow a theory that stems from an American imagination and publicly club the Islamic civilisation as one entity with the Chinese, is politically fraught in a world that the CDS himself described as being in “turmoil”. The CDS should avoid making public statements that could, in any manner, adversely impact India’s foreign relations. And the only way to minimise such occurrences is by keeping away from the media and public relations exercises.

Why Restrict Media Statements

The CDS and all military leaders must eschew the projection of personality through the media. They are better felt or seen and not heard; their appearance in the media should ideally be restricted to some special or ceremonial occasions. The media appearances of Gen Bipin Rawat, both as COAS and CDS, have left an avoidable trail of faux pas and opinions that have generated needless controversies. The media, especially for India’s military, will remain a double-edged sword. The digital world is unwieldy, unforgiving and easily amenable to distorting reality. As a policy, let the media spokesperson, who are now part of most military structures, do the talking and try their best to navigate the media minefield.

Some military leaders appear to be infected by the growing trend of image projection that is pertinent to the civilian domain, primarily in the realm of politics. The military does not have to go to great lengths to show off its achievements. Let the accomplishments do the talking, let not the pursuit of credit be the driver of media interaction.

Admittedly, in internal security engagements vis a vis Jammu and Kashmir and the northeast, the policy for media engagement must necessarily be shaped to counter the adversary’s efforts to paint the Indian armed forces as ruthless killers and an enemy of the populace acting as sycophants to New Delhi. The recent use of fake tweets through a bogus Twitter handle of the Srinagar-based 15 Corps is revealing. A screenshot masquerading as the Twitter handle @chinarcorpsIA was circulating on WhatsApp on Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s birthday – “True Leadership is not about a Title or Designation, It’s all about Impact, Influence & Inspiration. #ChinarCorps extends heartiest birthday greetings to Hon’ble PM @narendramodi. We pray for your long, healthy & happy life full of zest and zeal. #HappybdayModiji.” Unfortunately, the tweet wasn’t disowned by the Chinar Corps or the ADGPI. It seemed to find unhindered publicity, attempting to portray a very distinguished and professional 15 Corps Commander as a sycophant. The military’s media organisations need repair.

An upright military leadership never claims personal credit. Instead, when the mission is accomplished, it makes the rank and file feel that they did it themselves. But some ambitious military leaders have jettisoned such niceties to pursue their personal goals of professional advancement. It is a trend that must be arrested and there is no better way to do it than through personal example — it must start with the CDS who is India’s apex military leader.

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INS Arihant’s Nuke-Capable K-4 Submarine-Launched Ballistic Missile ‘Ready To Roll’

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INS Arihant’s Nuke-Capable K-4 Submarine-Launched Ballistic Missile ‘Ready To Roll’


NEW DELHI: India tested its nuclear capable K-4 submarine-launched ballistic missile (SLBM), designed to have a strike range of 3,500 km, for the second time in six days on Friday. The missile test, as the one conducted on January 19, was undertaken from an undersea platform in the shape of a submersible pontoon off the coast of Andhra Pradesh according to a report by Rajat Pandit of TOI.

The solid-fuelled K-4 missile is being developed by DRDO to arm the country’s nuclear-powered submarines in the shape of INS Arihant and its under-development sister vessels. INS Arihant, which became fully operational in November 2018 to complete India’s nuclear triad, is currently armed with the much shorter K-15 missiles with a 750 km range.

“The K-4 is now virtually ready for its serial production to kick-off. The two tests have demonstrated its capability to emerge straight from underwater and undertake its parabolic trajectory,” said a source.

India has the land-based Agni missiles, with the over 5,000-km Agni-V inter-continental ballistic missile now in the process of being inducted, and fighter jets jury-rigged to deliver nuclear weapons. But INS Arihant gives the country’s deterrence posture much more credibility because nuclear-powered submarines armed with nuclear-tipped missiles are considered the most secure, survivable and potent platforms for retaliatory strikes.

Once the K-4 missiles are inducted, they will help India narrow the gap with countries like the US, Russia and China, which have over 5,000-km range SLBMs. The K-4 missiles are to be followed by the K-5 and K-6 missiles in the 5,000-6,000 km range class.

The 6,000-ton INS Arihant, which is propelled by an 83 MW pressurised light-water reactor at its core, in turn, is to be followed by INS Arighat, which was launched in 2017. The next generation of nuclear submarines, currently called S-4 and S-4*, will be much larger in size.





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After Upgradation, Sukhoi Su-30MKI Indigenisation To Reach 78%

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After Upgradation, Sukhoi Su-30MKI Indigenisation To Reach 78%


India has received clearance to upgrade 84 Sukhoi Su-30MKI fighter jets, which will result in 78% indigenization after the upgrade

In a significant step towards bolstering its military might with indigenously developed technology, India is poised to witness its Russian-origin Sukhoi Su-30MKI fighter jets evolve into a domestic platform. Speaking at a recent lecture.

The upgrade program is being led by Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) in partnership with the Indian Air Force and other partners. The upgrade is expected to cost US$7.5 billion.

The Defence Acquisition Council (DAC) granted Acceptance of Necessity (AoN) for the upgrade. The upgrade is part of India’s efforts to improve the capabilities of its primary fighter aircraft, it refers to as the “Super Sukhoi”.

This initiative is a part of a larger effort by the Indian Air Force to modernize its ageing fleet. Air Chief Marshal Chaudhari asserted the critical role of an offensive air force as demonstrated in current global conflicts and emphasized India’s move towards an indigenized arsenal. To this end, the IAF has been proactive, from upgrading its Mirage 2000 to enhancing its MiG-29 fleet.

In summary, the IAF’s commitment to updating their combat forces with the latest technology, including shifting to fifth-generation fighter jets, ensures operational preparedness and a strong deterrence capability. The gradual indigenization of its air fleet marks a pivotal shift in India’s defence landscape, reducing dependency on foreign imports and fostering technological sovereignty.





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Akash Weapon System Exports For The Armenian Armed Forces Gathers Pace

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Akash Weapon System Exports For The Armenian Armed Forces Gathers Pace


According to unconfirmed reports, Armenia is a top contender for an export order for Akash SAM system manufactured by Bharat Dynamics Limited (BDL).

While there is no official confirmation because of the sensitivities involved, documents suggest that the order for the same has already been placed the report further added.
There are nine countries, in turn, which have shown interest in the indigenously-developed Akash missile systems, which can intercept hostile aircraft, helicopters, drones and subsonic cruise missiles at a range of 25-km. They are Kenya, Philippines, Indonesia, UAE, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Vietnam and Algeria reported TOI.

The Akash export version will also be slightly different from the one inducted by the armed forces. The 100-km range air-to-air Astra missiles, now entering production after successful trials from Sukhoi-30MKI fighters, also have “good export potential”, said sources.

Akash is a “tried, tested and successfully inducted systems”. Indian armed forces have ordered Akash systems worth Rs 24,000 crore over the years, and MoD inked a contract in Mar 2023 of over Rs 9,100 crores for improved Akash Weapon System

BDL is a government enterprise under the Ministry of Defence that was established in 1970. BDL manufactures surface-to-air missiles and delivers them to the Indian Army. BDL also offers its products for export.

Akash Weapon System

The AWS is a Short Range Surface to Air Missile (SRSAM) Air Defence System, indigenously designed and developed by Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO). In order to meet aerial threats, two additional Regiments of AWS with Upgradation are being procured for Indian Army for the Northern borders. Improved AWS has Seeker Technology, Reduced Foot Print, 360° Engagement Capability and improved environmental parameters.

The project will give a boost to the Indian missile manufacturing industry in particular and the indigenous defence manufacturing ecosystem as a whole. The project has overall indigenous content of 82% which will be increased to 93% by 2026-27.

The induction of the improved AWS into the Indian Army will increase India’s self-reliance in Short Range Missile capability. This project will play a role in boosting the overall economy by avoiding outgo of precious foreign exchange to other countries, increasing employment avenues in India and encouraging Indian MSMEs through components manufacturing. Around 60% of the project cost will be awarded to the private industry, including MSMEs, in maintaining the supply chain of the weapon system, thereby creating large scale of direct and indirect employment.





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