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How China Buys Foreign Politicians: A Case Study

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How China Buys Foreign Politicians: A Case Study

Alexandria, VA., US: Well, that didn’t take long. Almost exactly two years ago, in September 2019, the Solomon Islands, a country of around 650,000 people in the South Western Pacific, switched recognition from Taiwan to China.

It was a controversial move domestically. Several local leaders expressed concern that the country might become more unstable and authoritarian as a result of a projected dramatic increase in PRC involvement in the country. But even they probably didn’t guess how quickly it might happen.

Already politics are being distorted, Chinese companies are causing severe disruptions, and fragile political and social structures are fragmenting. Three events from the past month are telling.

PRC MONEY FOR 39 OF 50 MPS

The most eye-catching event was a 25August document signed by the Prime Minister of the Solomon Islands, Manasseh Sogavare.

It read, in part: “At the recent meeting of the full Caucus, it was agreed that the remaining balance of the PRC CDF [Constituency Development Funds] assistance in respect of the 2020 fiscal year held at the ESCROW Account jointly operated by the Solomon Islands Government and the Embassy of the Peoples Republic of China be paid out as additional NDF [National Development Funds] to support constituencies [sic] COVID-19 economic recovery efforts. […] Attached herewith is a schedule outlining the constituencies that will benefit from the Additional NDF at a level of $200,000 per constituency. […] The PRC Embassy have been consulted on this additional support and have consented to the release of this assistance”.

That was followed by a list of 39 of the Parliament’s 50 MPs, all supporters to one degree or another, of the Prime Minister. The eleven left out were, by and large, less supportive.

Constituency Development Funds are essentially legal slush funds given to MPs to, theoretically, spend on their constituency. The Taiwanese funded them as well. However, previously (at least as known publicly), all MPs received them, not just the favoured few.

The number 39 also raised eyebrows, and suspicions. One close observer noted that it is the number, with a small buffer, required to change the Constitution. Sogavare is on record as wanting to move the next election from 2023 to 2024, something that would require a constitutional change. And who knows what else he and/or Beijing would like to “adjust”?

MALAITA PETITION

One of the banes of supporters of Beijing is Malaita. Malaita is the most populous province in the Solomon Islands. It hasn’t been pillaged of its resources, is traditionally fiercely independent, and is the centre of some of the strongest resistance to “the switch” from the Taiwan to the PRC.

Also in August, a petition was submitted raising concerns about the relationship between the PRC, the central government and Malaita Province. The content of the petition describes and distils a process seen all along the Belt and Road, and beyond. Including:

* Lack of consultation with the local population: the central “government failed to consult in any way to secure the consent of our people of Malaita regarding the diplomatic switch from the ROC to the PRC”.

* Use of the PRC doctrine of the Three Warfares (psychological, media and lawfare) to apply pressure: the “government continually harasses the [local] government of Malaita through individuals, the media and even through the abuse of legal process”.

* Deployment of “overseas Chinese” to take over all possible sectors of the economy: the “government has facilitated an influx of Chinese labour under the guide [sic.] of PRC funded projects instead to ensure jobs for Solomon Islanders. This leading to the continued loss of labour and business which are taking over all business activities in the Solomon Islands resulting in the highest un-employment rate in Solomon Islands history.”

* Seeming economic punishment for not giving in to the PRC: the “Government through its Minister of Communications and Aviation intends to bring or already had brought to Cabinet a paper seeking to withdraw all SIRAP World Bank Project from Malaita Province.” They ask that the government “Refrain from weaponing infrastructure development in Malaita and specifically keep the World Bank SIIRAP Project on Malaita province alive according to the World Bank procurement guidelines”.

The petition also brings up the 2000 Townsville Peace Agreement, signed when Sogavare was also in power, which committed the central government to give Malaita more autonomy. It states that has that yet to happen. Rather, it seems that—partially due to pressure from Beijing—the central government is trying to exert more control over Malaita to quell anti-China dissent and gain access to its resources for Chinese companies.

This is extremely dangerous as the last Solomon’s civil war is still a fresh memory.

LOCAL LEVEL INTIMIDATION

Again in August, at the local level, Israel Trevor Sibia, a Pastor from Guadalcanal—another restive region—posted a video expressing his concern at the economic and social disruption in his community caused by newly arrived foreigners (one can guess from where).

The local MP lodged a complaint against him, reportedly stating that the video was racist. The police went to his home, reportedly prompting his wife to say, “oh are we a communist country now?!”

Maybe not. Yet. But the added pressures being put on the Solomons by Beijing in just two years are already turning social and economic cracks into fissures that risk bursting the country apart—potentially justifying increasingly repressive centralized control.

Of course, China probably doesn’t mind—in fact it generally benefits when countries in which it has a toe-hold in become unstable, opening the way for more authoritarianism. Democratic countries often respond by shying-away, and an increasingly isolated local government, concerned about its own survival, become even more dependent on the PRC.

The last time there was a civil war in the Solomons, it was Australia that led a peacekeeping mission. This time, if things go bad, China could generously offer to come to the rescue, perhaps with the support of those grateful 39 MPs.

The way back from the ledge requires proper engagement from partners such as the United States and Australia—and if it can, India. The Solomons wouldn’t have been so tempted by the PRC’s offer in 2019 in the first place, had those relationships (and others) been more effective.

Now, rather than appeasing Beijing’s proxies for fear of rocking the boat (a boat that is sailing towards the South China Sea), partners need to take a close look at the sort of things the Malaita petition brings up, and support citizens who want to see a stable, secure, cohesive and free Solomon Islands.

But it needs to be fast. The cracks are starting to show, other countries in the region (and beyond) are going through similar near take-overs, and many are watching to see what will happen in the Solomons.

No one wants yet another avoidable tragedy—a people dispossessed in their own land and at each other’s throats, while Beijing provides its version of security and carts off the spoils. But if those fighting for their country aren’t supported, it will happen. Again. And again.

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INS Arihant’s Nuke-Capable K-4 Submarine-Launched Ballistic Missile ‘Ready To Roll’

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INS Arihant’s Nuke-Capable K-4 Submarine-Launched Ballistic Missile ‘Ready To Roll’


NEW DELHI: India tested its nuclear capable K-4 submarine-launched ballistic missile (SLBM), designed to have a strike range of 3,500 km, for the second time in six days on Friday. The missile test, as the one conducted on January 19, was undertaken from an undersea platform in the shape of a submersible pontoon off the coast of Andhra Pradesh according to a report by Rajat Pandit of TOI.

The solid-fuelled K-4 missile is being developed by DRDO to arm the country’s nuclear-powered submarines in the shape of INS Arihant and its under-development sister vessels. INS Arihant, which became fully operational in November 2018 to complete India’s nuclear triad, is currently armed with the much shorter K-15 missiles with a 750 km range.

“The K-4 is now virtually ready for its serial production to kick-off. The two tests have demonstrated its capability to emerge straight from underwater and undertake its parabolic trajectory,” said a source.

India has the land-based Agni missiles, with the over 5,000-km Agni-V inter-continental ballistic missile now in the process of being inducted, and fighter jets jury-rigged to deliver nuclear weapons. But INS Arihant gives the country’s deterrence posture much more credibility because nuclear-powered submarines armed with nuclear-tipped missiles are considered the most secure, survivable and potent platforms for retaliatory strikes.

Once the K-4 missiles are inducted, they will help India narrow the gap with countries like the US, Russia and China, which have over 5,000-km range SLBMs. The K-4 missiles are to be followed by the K-5 and K-6 missiles in the 5,000-6,000 km range class.

The 6,000-ton INS Arihant, which is propelled by an 83 MW pressurised light-water reactor at its core, in turn, is to be followed by INS Arighat, which was launched in 2017. The next generation of nuclear submarines, currently called S-4 and S-4*, will be much larger in size.





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After Upgradation, Sukhoi Su-30MKI Indigenisation To Reach 78%

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After Upgradation, Sukhoi Su-30MKI Indigenisation To Reach 78%


India has received clearance to upgrade 84 Sukhoi Su-30MKI fighter jets, which will result in 78% indigenization after the upgrade

In a significant step towards bolstering its military might with indigenously developed technology, India is poised to witness its Russian-origin Sukhoi Su-30MKI fighter jets evolve into a domestic platform. Speaking at a recent lecture.

The upgrade program is being led by Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) in partnership with the Indian Air Force and other partners. The upgrade is expected to cost US$7.5 billion.

The Defence Acquisition Council (DAC) granted Acceptance of Necessity (AoN) for the upgrade. The upgrade is part of India’s efforts to improve the capabilities of its primary fighter aircraft, it refers to as the “Super Sukhoi”.

This initiative is a part of a larger effort by the Indian Air Force to modernize its ageing fleet. Air Chief Marshal Chaudhari asserted the critical role of an offensive air force as demonstrated in current global conflicts and emphasized India’s move towards an indigenized arsenal. To this end, the IAF has been proactive, from upgrading its Mirage 2000 to enhancing its MiG-29 fleet.

In summary, the IAF’s commitment to updating their combat forces with the latest technology, including shifting to fifth-generation fighter jets, ensures operational preparedness and a strong deterrence capability. The gradual indigenization of its air fleet marks a pivotal shift in India’s defence landscape, reducing dependency on foreign imports and fostering technological sovereignty.





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Akash Weapon System Exports For The Armenian Armed Forces Gathers Pace

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Akash Weapon System Exports For The Armenian Armed Forces Gathers Pace


According to unconfirmed reports, Armenia is a top contender for an export order for Akash SAM system manufactured by Bharat Dynamics Limited (BDL).

While there is no official confirmation because of the sensitivities involved, documents suggest that the order for the same has already been placed the report further added.
There are nine countries, in turn, which have shown interest in the indigenously-developed Akash missile systems, which can intercept hostile aircraft, helicopters, drones and subsonic cruise missiles at a range of 25-km. They are Kenya, Philippines, Indonesia, UAE, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Vietnam and Algeria reported TOI.

The Akash export version will also be slightly different from the one inducted by the armed forces. The 100-km range air-to-air Astra missiles, now entering production after successful trials from Sukhoi-30MKI fighters, also have “good export potential”, said sources.

Akash is a “tried, tested and successfully inducted systems”. Indian armed forces have ordered Akash systems worth Rs 24,000 crore over the years, and MoD inked a contract in Mar 2023 of over Rs 9,100 crores for improved Akash Weapon System

BDL is a government enterprise under the Ministry of Defence that was established in 1970. BDL manufactures surface-to-air missiles and delivers them to the Indian Army. BDL also offers its products for export.

Akash Weapon System

The AWS is a Short Range Surface to Air Missile (SRSAM) Air Defence System, indigenously designed and developed by Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO). In order to meet aerial threats, two additional Regiments of AWS with Upgradation are being procured for Indian Army for the Northern borders. Improved AWS has Seeker Technology, Reduced Foot Print, 360° Engagement Capability and improved environmental parameters.

The project will give a boost to the Indian missile manufacturing industry in particular and the indigenous defence manufacturing ecosystem as a whole. The project has overall indigenous content of 82% which will be increased to 93% by 2026-27.

The induction of the improved AWS into the Indian Army will increase India’s self-reliance in Short Range Missile capability. This project will play a role in boosting the overall economy by avoiding outgo of precious foreign exchange to other countries, increasing employment avenues in India and encouraging Indian MSMEs through components manufacturing. Around 60% of the project cost will be awarded to the private industry, including MSMEs, in maintaining the supply chain of the weapon system, thereby creating large scale of direct and indirect employment.





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