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Israel-Hamas war: Gaza border community finds safety in Jerusalem
Moshav Naveh, a Religious Zionist agricultural community of 162 families located 13 km. from the Gaza Strip, was evacuated after the start of the Israel-Hamas war due to the extreme security threat.
The community considers it their great miracle that no one among them was wounded or killed on October 7 when Hamas terrorists infiltrated southern Israel, murdering 1,200 people and kidnapping 240.
Zion Leshem, spokesperson for Naveh, told In Jerusalem that on October 7, “We were attacked with missiles; there were terrorists on their way to us. Luckily, they didn’t make it. We took care of wounded fighters from neighboring towns and casualties. It was an intense day.”
Finding a safe haven in Jerusalem after fleeing Hamas
Except for very few Naveh evacuees who had other options, such as moving in with relatives, they have all been staying together at the Shalom Hotel in Jerusalem’s Bayit Vagan neighborhood since the war began. These large families, with the average number of children being eight or nine, plan to return home next week.
“Baruch Hashem [Thank God], the moshav remained unscathed, and none of us was hurt. The army said we can go home,” Orit Francko, a mother of 10 who lives on the moshav, told In Jerusalem.
“It was traumatic for the children. The youngest ones had never experienced shooting attacks so close by. All the sirens, so many rockets falling. We couldn’t leave our homes for almost three days and spent most of the time in the safe room,” she said.
Her husband was among the first responders to the terrorist activity on October 7. He left home at 7 a.m., “so the children understood that something out of the ordinary was happening.”
As for the moshav families’ adjustment in Jerusalem, she said, “First of all, the children are used to open spaces, freedom of movement, going place to place on their own. Here, they were living in a building with several floors, the opposite of what they were used to. But the most important thing was that the community remained together. We insisted on that.
“Second, the children’s education was taken care of immediately. The week we arrived, they had already put together a Talmud Torah for the boys and, a few days later, a school for girls. Then a daycare…
“The Jerusalem community welcomed us in an amazing way, and they continue to do so,” she stressed. “Everyone stepped in. The children are happy here. They feel the love. So much was done for them – outings, projects – but of course, they want to go home.”
Many children and teenagers will require trauma therapy, she added.
WHEN DR. Nosson and Sara Westreich – residents of Thornhill, Ontario, in the Greater Toronto Area – visited the Shalom Hotel and fell in love with the Moshav Naveh community, they had no idea that Toronto and their synagogue already had a longstanding relationship with them.
“How we got involved was amazing and serendipitous,” Westreich told In Jerusalem.
“Historically, the Toronto philanthropic community, led by the late [World Mizrachi president] Kurt Rothschild, the late [real estate developer] Herb Green, Jewish National Fund-Canada, and UJA Federation of Greater Toronto, have been involved in developing Moshav Naveh and Halutza Region,” said Jack Feintuch, trustee of the various Joseph Tanenbaum Foundations.
The Beth Avraham Yoseph of Toronto Congregation (BAYT), of which the Westreichs are members, was established in 1981 by the late Joseph Tanenbaum and Rabbi Baruch Taub, who made aliyah in December 2010 and is now rabbi emeritus.
The Westreichs were in Israel on October 7 when 350,000 IDF reservists were called up. Since then, manpower has been short. Volunteers have been filling the gaps as much as possible by helping at farms, babysitting for children, cooking, delivering food to evacuees, and much more.
“We decided not to leave the country right away and were looking for volunteer opportunities,” said Westreich, a semi-retired child protection lawyer who worked for Jewish Family and Child Service. Before the outbreak of the war, her husband – a child and adolescent psychiatrist at Sunnybrook Hospital and assistant professor of psychiatry at the University of Toronto – had interviews scheduled at Israeli hospitals because the couple is hoping to make aliyah next year.
Meanwhile, she received an email from the director of Canadian Friends of Shalva, for which she volunteers, saying that Shalva – a nonprofit that supports and empowers individuals with disabilities and their families in Israel, based in Bayit Vagan – was serving as a national emergency and response center for “families from the South, providing both the physical safety and emotional support they so desperately need.”
The next day, she saw an ad in The Jerusalem Post about Shalva’s role. So the couple went there.
It was 11:30 a.m. on Friday morning when they arrived – about five hours before Shabbat. “They were hustling to get everybody ready. There were so many pregnant women, men were running in uniform. People were rushing,” Westreich said.
While her husband, who has experience in trauma therapy, looked for the medical clinic, she looked for the organizers and approached a group of women.
“We really want to help,” she told them.
“Are you serious?” they asked.
“‘Yes, we have hands, feet, and a car. Please tell us what you need.’ They finally conceded that what they really wanted at that moment were white plastic tablecloths for Shabbat.”
Mission accomplished. “They were so happy,” Westreich said.
“It was a sight you wouldn’t believe. People in jeans were bringing flowers… games, toys… They were desperately trying to make these people feel better.
“So, now the joke goes: ‘What should those well-trained psychiatrists with experience in trauma therapy do for victims of terror? Buy them plastic tablecloths because hessed [kindness] is doing what they need you to do, not what you think they need you to do.’
“We returned Saturday night and asked what should be done next. They needed electrical items, such as toasters, microwave ovens, and sandwich-making machines. The hotel was providing them with meals, but not everything they needed.”
The Westreichs recruited Shelly and Jerry Javasky, native Torontonians and fellow BAYT members now living in Jerusalem, to join their efforts to help the evacuees.
“We returned to the hotel Sunday morning, together with Shelly and Jerry, and we discussed some of the bigger issues,” like security for the moshav so that they could go home sooner rather than later.
“We discovered along the way that Kalman Weber’s sister is a resident of the moshav,” she said. Kalman and Tolly Weber are BAYT members who made aliyah recently. “That’s why there are three ambassador families from the BAYT for this initiative – Westreich, Javasky, and Weber.”
With the enthusiastic support of Rabbi Daniel Korobkin, BAYT’s current spiritual leader, the synagogue raised $50,000 for Moshav Naveh within five days, to be used for trauma therapy.
Westreich was profoundly impressed by the women in Naveh. “They are incredibly brave,” she said, calling them “engines of hessed.”
“About 70 percent of the men are in miluim [reserves]. The women are the ones who usually run the meal trains. They’re not used to being on the receiving end. They’re very modest. I had to fight with them to accept help.”
Asked what it was like to suddenly be on the receiving end, Francko said, “It was very hard for many of us. But it’s important to understand that to allow another person to perform an act of kindness is also kindness. The entire nation – not just here in Israel but also in the Diaspora – was so shocked by what happened on October 7, and they badly wanted to help. It strengthens them to be able to make a difference, and we can’t take that away from them.”
MOSHAV NAVEH is a young community with very few people over the age of 60. Many of the couples among them were teenagers living in Gush Katif in 2005 when the residents were evacuated and the communities destroyed as Gaza was handed over to the Palestinian Authority in yet another bid for peace. They refuse to relocate yet again.
“After the very unfortunate and misguided Disengagement from Gaza in 2005, two legendary Toronto Jewish communal visionaries determined that the displaced people deserved and needed sponsorship if they were to successfully rebuild their lives as well as possible and to be able to re-establish their communities outside of Gush Katif,” Larry Zeifman, a longtime advocate for Israel, told In Jerusalem.
Green and Rothschild “wanted Diaspora communities to each adopt a Gush Katif community. They started with Netzarim and Atzmona – two very special small communities. Herb and Kurt hoped that Toronto could become a model for other Diaspora communities. That never really happened, to my knowledge. But Toronto stepped up and helped those two communities to establish Bnei Netzarim and Naveh in the Halutza Sands area just east of southern Gaza and just north of the Egyptian border.
“Together with UJA Federation of Greater Toronto, Mizrachi Canada, and JNF-Canada, they helped the new communities with infrastructure funds and support. The beautiful synagogue in Bnei Netzarim was dedicated by Herb. The annual BAYT mission to Israel, then under the leadership of Rabbi Taub, visited both Netzarim and Atzmona on several occasions and visited the nascent communities as they were being built. BAYT and Mizrachi hosted a gala dinner in 2015 – to support the communities -–that was addressed by then-minister Jason Kenney and journalist Rex Murphy, two stalwart friends of Israel,” Zeifman said.
“For us, the return to our beloved moshav is a moral and emotional imperative; it is not a choice,” Leshem explained. “It is unbearable for our families to leave Naveh abandoned. Our community, the children of Atzmona in Sinai and Gush Katif, has already been through this before. We cannot endure this again. Regardless of the circumstances forcing us into this situation, regardless of the risks involved with being so close to Gaza, as a kehilla [community], we must resume our mission of fully inhabiting Eretz Israel and returning to this precious corner of our land.”
“YOU MIGHT think that staying in a Jerusalem hotel is luxurious,” Rabbi Korobkin said in a conversation with In Jerusalem. However, “it’s really quite difficult for an entire community with large families to just pick up with all their possessions and [each] move into one or two rooms at the most,” he said.
Rabbi Korobkin was in Israel recently, together with the Rabbinical Council of America-MIZRACHI-RIETS mission to Israel, to show solidarity with the people of Israel during this difficult time. He visited the Naveh community at the Shalom Hotel.
“We gave out bracelets that children in our local day schools made for them, letters to the children, and we saw a functional Jewish community living in a hotel,” he said.
“There’s a service provided by the residents of Bayit Vagan that just blew me away,” he said. “Basically, there’s a corner in the lobby where each family will leave a bag of dirty laundry. It gets picked up by different families, they do the laundry, they bring it back and put it in another section of that laundry area with the indication that this was just laundered. And that’s how people are getting their laundry done, just by volunteers in the neighborhood. Everyone is pulling together to support the displaced persons…
“The men are trying to be as productive as possible. Many of them are on active [IDF] duty, which leaves the women to basically spend the day taking care of the children and trying to find activities for the kids. It’s the way that they’re living for now.
“This is a religious community that is very, very idealistic,” he said. “The very fact that they live in a moshav in a scantily populated area near Gaza just shows that they want to be part of the mitzvah of yishuv Eretz Yisrael [settling the Land of Israel].”
PSYCHOLOGICAL COUNSELING will be necessary for the children. The $50,000 (Canadian) raised by BAYT will be used for what “we felt was the most important need for now because many times, when the gashmiut [material side] is taken care of, the ruchniyut [spirituality] still needs to be pulled in. The Jewish education is continuing, that’s being taken care of, but there’s another aspect to the ruchniyut, which is mental health, and that’s something we felt we could contribute towards,” Rabbi Korobkin said. “We would have raised even more, but we made a conscious decision that we want to do multiple fundraisers for multiple causes, so we’re pacing ourselves.”
He explained, “We took a pause for a couple of weeks, and we just successfully concluded our second $50,000 fundraising campaign for Leket in Israel, to help farmers who are struggling right now because of the constraints that are placed on harvesting produce and working the fields.
“When we put out the feelers for the fundraisers, we told people we were giving two weeks to raise the money. The first fundraiser [for Naveh] was completed in five days, and the second fundraiser in six days,” he said, noting “the desire that people have to give” to Israel during this challenging time. “It’s not like we feel it’s our duty; rather, what an opportunity, what a tremendous privilege it is for us to be able to be part of what these people are going through – in a small way, from our Diaspora homes.”
“The more Nosson and I get to know the community of Naveh, the more captivated we are by the people and their story,” Westreich enthused.
“Learning about them, their history, and their vision for the future is like reading a chapter from Tanach. They are biblical figures of epic proportions. There is no other way to describe them. Our lives have been deeply enriched through the experience of meeting them and becoming part of their world. If only the circumstances that brought us together had not been so tragic!
“Nosson and I thank God for the blessing of bringing the people of Naveh into our lives.”
“It’s very important for me to say thank you to all those in Jerusalem, in Israel, and around the world who worry about us and help us. That is what gives us strength,” Francko said. “And we have faith. We understand that this situation brings us one step further to redemption. These are challenging days, but we continue to look forward to the coming of the Messiah and the building of the Temple. Yes, it’s difficult now, but it will make us stronger.” ❖
Hamas claimed on Friday that it was ready to engage in negotiations that have dragged on for two weeks in Doha as a ceasefire holds in Gaza. Hamas is playing for time, and it is receiving a ceasefire for Ramadan.,
There is no urgency in Jerusalem to do a deal with Hamas. The US is focused on Ukraine at the moment and the chances of a ceasefire deal with Moscow. As such, Hamas sought to grab the spotlight on March 14 with a claim it was ready to release Edan Alexander, a hostage held in Gaza who holds US and Israeli citizenship.
Hamas said it had “received a proposal from mediators yesterday to resume negotiations, and responded responsibly and positively.” This apparently refers to various proposals floated since March 1. On March 1, the first phase of the ceasefire and hostage deal ended. Thirty-three hostages had been released in 42 days. Israel refused to move to phase two of the deal, which would have seen the rest of the hostages released and an end to the war and the IDF withdrawal from the Philadelphi corridor.
In general, Israel has been unable to get a deal with Hamas and has waited for the US to make the move. US President Donald Trump had been keen to see the hostages released, but he can’t wave a magic wand.Trump’s envoy, Steve Witkoff, was able to get the mid-January ceasefire deal to materialize. Reports indicate that he has sought to bridge the gaps between Israel refusing to move to phase two and Hamas refusing to extend phase one. Reports say that the proposals in Doha relate to a deal to free several living hostages and some deceased hostages for up to 60 days or more of ceasefire. This would represent far fewer hostages than were released in previous deals.
Clearly, the Hamas goal is to get Israel to agree to less of its people being returned.
Hamas thinks that the US hostages held in Gaza are more important
Hamas thinks that the US hostages held in Gaza are more important because they can use a release of these hostages to potentially gain something. Hamas said on March 14 that it would release Edan Alexander, whom it called a “Zionist soldier,” and the remains of four other “dual citizenship” hostages. These are presumed to be deceased American hostages held in Gaza.
Reports have named them as Omer Neutra, Itay Chen, Judith Weinstein, and her husband, Gadi Haggai. Neutra’s parents spoke at the Republican convention in 2024. He was later declared to have been killed on October 7. “We reaffirm our full readiness to engage in negotiations and reach a comprehensive agreement on the issues of the second phase, and call for obligating the occupation to fully implement its commitments,” Hamas said.
Israel’s Prime Minister’s Office put out a statement on Friday in response to the apparent Hamas offer. “While Israel accepted the Witkoff framework, Hamas persists in its refusal and continues to wage psychological warfare against hostage families. The Prime Minister will convene the ministerial team tomorrow evening for a detailed briefing from the negotiating team, and to decide on steps to free the hostages and achieve all our war objectives.”
Meanwhile, other issues relating to the hostages appear to be in motion. Reports that Adam Boehler had withdrawn his nomination to be the US administration’s hostage envoy. However, it appears he will stay focused on US citizens detained or held abroad.
Boehler had been in the spotlight in early March when reports emerged that the US was having direct talks with Hamas. Israel’s government was put in a bind with this report. Jerusalem is afraid of angering Trump or even pushing back on Trump’s moves. As such, it was clear Israel’s government didn’t like the idea of an envoy talking directly to Hamas, but they figured they would let this go on and hope that Boehler would misstep.
That’s what happened when Boehler went on Israeli media for interviews. It didn’t go well, and he was reported to be sidelined. It wasn’t clear if this was because of Israeli pressure or perhaps because he was perceived to have horned in on Witkoff’s work or muddied the waters of the talks.
The question is whether Hamas said it would release Alexander and other Americans in order to try to keep the Boehler track of talks ongoing or if Hamas is trying to get a separate deal with the US. It appears Hamas was putting out claims that it was not communicating in public. This has left mediators nonplussed in the US and Israel. Witkoff characterized the Hamas demands as “unrealistic,” reports said.
So far, there is a lack of clarity on what Hamas is up to. What does seem clear is that Hamas has received a Ramadan ceasefire and not had to turn over any hostages for weeks. Hamas is recuperating and recovering and recruiting. In Israel, demonstrators who support the hostages and their families turned out on March 15 to demand that the hostages be returned.
Even as Hamas recruits, it continues to threaten Israel. The IDF said on March 15 that “two terrorists were identified operating a drone that posed a threat to IDF troops in the area of Beit Lahia. The IDF struck the terrorists.” Sources in Gaza claimed up to nine people were killed, which would make this the most deadly day of the ceasefire in weeks. Hamas believes it can keep the ceasefire and not have to turn over any hostages.
It is unclear if there is a quiet understanding behind the scenes on all sides that Ramadan will be quiet and Hamas will not have to do anything in return for receiving its free ceasefire. Last year, during Ramadan, there was also less intensity to the fighting in Gaza, but the IDF was still operating against Hamas. At the moment, Hamas controls most of Gaza and thinks it has won the war. It assumes Israel’s current leadership doesn’t want to remove Hamas and that Israel prefers to claim that it will defeat Hamas but not actually go back into Gaza.
Hamas also assumes it can hold onto the hostages for years into the future, releasing a few here and there to receive months of ceasefire each time and then dragging out negotiations between the ceasefires as it is doing now.
Hamas believes that inertia now favors Hamas. It likely assumes that only when elections happen in Israel or there is some incentive for Jerusalem to return to fighting, that there might be another war, and otherwise, Hamas can do as it wants. Hamas has already murdered more than 1,000 people, more Jews in one day than at any time since the Shoah, and it continues to run Gaza after 17 months. It thinks Israel is incapable of defeating it or that interests in Israel prefer to keep Hamas in power and not replace it. Hamas will have to wait and see if this is the case. Until then, it will continue to float various hostage release concepts, as it did throughout 2024, to try to create short news cycles and controversy that favor Hamas as it stalls the negotiations.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is set to hold consultations on Saturday evening following the Israeli delegation’s return from Gaza hostage deal talks in the Qatari capital of Doha.
Israel accused Hamas of deviating from the American proposal for a ceasefire extension after the terror organization announced on Friday that it had agreed to release American-Israeli hostage Edan Alexander from Gaza captivity.
Hamas also said it would return the remains of four deceased hostages with American citizenship: Omer Neutra, Itay Chen, Gadi Haggai, and Judy Weinstein Haggai. Israeli officials previously confirmed the deaths of all four hostages named by Hamas.
US special envoy to the Middle East Steve Witkoff dismissed Hamas’s offer on Friday, warning the Palestinian terror organization that it could no longer play for time with a ceasefire and hostage deal.Gaza hostage deal talks have ‘failed,’ Hamas official tells BBC Arabic
Earlier on Saturday, Hamas officials told BBC Arabic that discussions on the continuation of a Gaza hostage and ceasefire deal have failed.
Additionally, Dr. Tarek Fahmy, a professor of political science, told the BBC that despite a lack of movement in talks, he does not believe fighting will continue in the same capacity it did before the recent ceasefire.
Fahmy stressed he believed “there will be no resumption of the war, despite reports that Israel is preparing to launch qualitative strikes” after the ceasefire expires.
Talks continued throughout the weekend as a Hamas delegation led by Khalil al-Khayya visited Cairo for updates on the negotiations in Qatar.
Amichai Stein contributed to this report.
Despite the growing criticism, Israel is standing firm in its attempt to banish the United Nations Relief and Works Agency from operating in its territory.
Since its ban came into effect on January 30, Israeli authorities have severed coordination ties with the agency, shut down schools in east Jerusalem, and effectively forced international staff to leave.
The government’s decision was largely driven by its expanding allegations that UNRWA employees hold links to terrorist organizations.
The fallout has been swift. Countries such as the United States, Canada, New Zealand, and the European Union have suspended or withdrawn funding, citing concerns over neutrality.Beyond the political maneuvering and aid cuts, the issue has added fresh scrutiny to a decades-old debate that remains unresolved: Who qualifies as a Palestinian refugee? And should this status be inherited indefinitely – even by millionaires?
A refugee definition unlike any other
UNRWA was created shortly after the 1948 Arab-Israeli war to assist 750,000 Palestinians displaced by the conflict. Today, its registry lists over six million refugees.
Critics argue that no other refugee group in the world operates with this mandate.
“Unlike every other refugee crisis in history, Palestinian refugees don’t decrease in number – they increase. UNRWA doesn’t resettle, it perpetuates,” says Dina Rovner, legal adviser for UN Watch. “The result? A crisis that has lasted decades longer than any other.”
Among those classified as Palestinian refugees is Jordanian-American real estate mogul Mohamed Hadid and his five millionaire children, including supermodels Bella and Gigi Hadid. Twenty-nine-year-old Zahwa Arafat, the billionaire daughter of former Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat, also retains this status.
Under UNRWA’s unique framework, all descendants of Palestinian refugees “who lost both their home and means of livelihood in Mandate Palestine between 1946-1948 are eligible for refugee status,” regardless of wealth or nationality – a stark contrast to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which removes individuals from its registries once they are resettled or naturalized.
UNRWA, though, asserts that Palestinian refugee status is determined by the UN General Assembly, not the agency itself.
“Palestinian refugees were recognized under Resolution 194 before UNRWA existed, where human rights were not subjected to economic status,” says Jonathan Fowler, UNRWA’s senior communications manager. “In mass displacements, refugee status applies collectively and passes through generations, as seen with Afghan, Sudanese, and Sahrawi refugees”
“Yet, the difference is striking. After WWII, millions were displaced, primarily in Europe, but around 1.5 million were resettled by temporary UN agencies before UNHCR took over in 1952. In contrast, 77 years later, UNRWA remains a permanent institution, even as many, like the 2.4 million in Jordan who hold citizenship, continue receiving its assistance.”
This raises a pivotal question: Does UNRWA’s approach maintain statelessness rather than resolving it?
The debate over disparities
The controversy extends beyond definitions. Critics hold that UNRWA’s budget and staff allocation raise questions about its efficiency compared to other refugee agencies.
When first established, UNRWA’s annual budget was 110 times greater than UNHCRs. Today, it employs 30,000 staff for nearly six million refugees – a 1:200 ratio. In contrast, UNHCR, which serves around 32 million refugees globally, operates with 20,000 staff, translating to one staff member per 1,600 refugees.
“There is a clear inconsistency in how the world treats the Palestinians compared to other refugees,” says Rovner. “If they were under the UNHCR, the majority would not be considered eligible.”
Fowler counters the criticism, explaining that UNRWA’s economic and service model is fundamentally different and of significant value. “It was designed as a sustained relief and works program until a viable solution is achieved, much like the 1930s US Tennessee Valley Authority.” Moreover, he adds, “the value for money is extraordinary – hiring locals not only brings local benefits but also costs 40%-50% less than employing internationals.”
UNRWA under fire
As the debate over refugee classification rages on, Israel’s reports of UNRWA’s connections to terrorism have also dominated recent discussions. Citing its intelligence findings, Israeli authorities maintain that 10% of the agency’s senior educators in Gaza have ties to Hamas or Palestinian Islamic Jihad.
“UNRWA’s response is always the same – to deflect, deny, and cover up. They never take responsibility. They claim to be a ‘humanitarian backbone’ in Gaza but promote Hamas propaganda, like it did with the Gaza famine narrative, which has been totally debunked,” charges Rovner.
However, there are also claims that UNRWA is being targeted politically, as Fowler indicates: “There’s a barrage of misinformation about who we are and who we’re not. We share all our staff lists with regional authorities, including Israel, and have never received pushback about specific employees before.”
Despite Israel’s push to dismantle UNRWA, many European nations have since reinstated funding after reviewing oversight measures and accounting for its critical humanitarian role. Fowler points to the recently commissioned and independent Colonna Report, which found UNRWA to have more robust neutrality standards than any other UN agency. Still, critics like Rovner, remain unconvinced, contending that the problem is systemic.
What happens if UNRWA does disappear?
With increasing calls within Israel and the United States to abolish UNRWA, the question arises: If UNRWA disappears, what happens next?
Fowler says that the organization has no intention of existing indefinitely, but it continues so far as the situation remains unresolved.
“Abolishing UNRWA ignores reality,” observes Fowler. “We are often thanked by Israeli authorities, albeit at the moment not so openly, for the work we do, because without us, the responsibility will fall on them.”
The topic of reform has come up quite a lot where UNRWA and the UN at large are concerned. Some believe that redefining Palestinian refugees under UNHCR rules could force a shift in the political deadlock. Others, though, insist not only is it too little, too late for reforms, but that they are insufficient in addressing the deeper issues.
“As long as UNRWA exists, there will always be a Palestinian right-of-return narrative that keeps the conflict alive. Palestinians have to step up to the plate and take responsibility for their own future. Without Palestinian self-determination, chances of a prosperous future are slim,” says Rovner.
Questions without answers
With funding cuts, Israeli bans, and growing global pressure, UNRWA finds itself at a crossroads. Today, it is continuing to operate, even on a limited scale – holding that as long as millions remain classified as refugees, it has a job to do.
Still, fundamental questions continue to go unanswered: Who should be classified a Palestinian refugee? Should refugee status be hereditary forever – even for those who live in luxury? Who should be responsible for the Palestinians? And what is Israel’s role?
With neither Israel disappearing nor the Palestinian refugee issue nearing resolution, UNRWA persists as a central fault line in one of the world’s most protracted conflicts. Whether the agency serves as a crucial humanitarian lifeline or a political roadblock to lasting peace depends entirely on whom you ask.
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