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Moeed Yusuf’s Interview To Indian Portal ‘The Wire’ With Karan Thapar Tells You More About Sections of Indian Media Than The Pakistan NSA

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Moeed Yusuf’s Interview To Indian Portal ‘The Wire’ With Karan Thapar Tells You More About Sections of Indian Media Than The Pakistan NSA
It also makes you wonder why the Pakistani army, the firangi jamaat, plus the leftie end of our media spectrum were, collectively, so awfully keen for a Pakistani NSA to get an Indian platform.

Geopolitics is about trying to connect hazy, moving dots, which is why diplomats and spies normally keep their public dealings rather opaque. It’s a guessing game; you don’t want the other side to read your mind, because if they can, then they will also be able to read your intent. The exception is the political appointee, who escapes because his or her answers blandly follow the party line, and little else.

Even then, most professional spymasters and strategists shy away from speaking with their press, while in office, because juicy titbits could slip inadvertently through, when complex concepts are dumbed severely down for public consumption. For that, and more, it is thus rarer for a senior functionary of the security-intelligence establishment to speak freely with an interlocutor from an unfriendly nation. It’s just not worth the risk.

For benchmarking, imagine the fuss if our National Security Advisor (NSA), Ajit Doval, had given freely of himself, on camera, to an establishment journalist like Hamid Mir. The opposition here would have certainly questioned the wisdom of such an act, and been so fervently up in arms, that they wouldn’t have let parliament run for the next decade.

So, eyebrows rose when Pakistani NSA Moeed Yusuf give a lengthy interview last week to a left-wing Indian portal called The Wire.

For background, Yusuf has degrees from American universities, spent most of his adult life in American universities and think tanks, and is a self-confessed acolyte of the late Stephen Cohen – an American strategic affairs expert on the Indian subcontinent, who groomed hundreds of Indians and Pakistanis over half a century. Today, these Cohen-ites form the core of the puppy-jhuppy-aman-ki-asha brigade, be it in academia, government, uniform, or journalism.

Yusuf’s astral rise in government commenced at the remarkably young age of 38, soon after Imran Khan became Prime Minister of Pakistan in late 2018. He was appointed to his present post in September 2019. It had a different title then, which kept changing until Yusuf was formally named NSA in May this year. The reading was: for someone so young to be given such a high post, he must be either brilliant, or brilliantly networked.

Here’s what the interview shows: Yusuf’s response to an opening question, on a recent ceasefire agreement between India and Pakistan, was to instead offer his condolences to Indians for the terrible tragedies wrought by the epidemic. And then he said: ‘…above politics, we’re hearing that the number [of fatalities in India] may be as high as 3-4 million, much higher than acknowledged by the Indian government’

Such a mean-spirited statement, right at the start, was dishonourable apophasis of the crudest variety, which showed not just the man, but the government he represented, in extremely poor light. The objective was clear: establish frames of reference, by implying that if the Indian government speaks untruths on even public health issues, then how can anyone take India at her word on foreign affairs?

Yusuf may have thought he was being laudably glib, but this was a mistake, because it cost him his credibility not a minute into his opening statement. He should have known better; that, to purportedly take the high ground by abjuring politics, and then to tumble off the summit so ungainly in the next breath, reflects a congenital lack of honour. And to top that, the Indian interviewer politely nodded his way through Yusuf’s crass remark, without a murmur.

The next point deepened the pit Yusuf had dug, when he declaimed that India was perpetrating terror against Pakistan, in Pakistan. His country was the victim, and it was India’s fault. The solution, Yusuf said, was talks; they were ready, but India wasn’t, and that was apparently bothering the rest of the world so much, that ‘someone’ intervened to ‘put pressure on India’. Readers may note that this is the stock mediation bromide brought up by both Pakistan, and our usual suspects, whenever it rains. It’s raining now.

Cohen’s former student was doing well, thus far. Talking about talks is a great source of moral refurbishment and sanctimonious image-building, especially when you don’t offer any details of ground realities or solutions, and conveniently, none are demanded by the interviewer.

We also learnt that Pakistan was on a path of ‘geo-economic’ success through ‘regional connectivity’. You wondered who had scripted this, because ‘regional connectivity’ was the rationale devised for a new quad grouping scraped together by America just last week, in the wake of her humiliating departure from Afghanistan (read more here); and ‘geo-economics’ is the new buzzword doing the rounds in the usual circles (see here), after ‘grey zone’ sadly flopped last month.

The fly in the ointment, as always, was India – specifically, a cabal running India. This is a point which the NSA repeatedly bolstered through snide remarks and smirks. For good effect, he also threw his hands up and shrugged helplessly a few times. What else could a poor victim do? It is best read as a reference to Modi, Amit Shah and Doval, who, in the Jamaati worldview, are intransigently running India like a dictatorship, with disastrous global consequences.

This was Alice-in-Wonderland stuff. Yet, strangely enough, these are also points on which both the jamaat and Pakistan concur. Modi is bad. Shah is bad. Doval is bad. It is the simplistic, reductionist binary which is employed to further arguments and agendas, stemming from the ideological fount of dead white men who lived a century or two ago. What was odd, though, was to see Pakistan’s NSA use these arguments without being contradicted by his Indian interlocutor. The other curious part is that this was actually Yusuf’s second interview to the same Indian journalist in nine months. And on both occasions, a chumminess reaching back into a common past was patently evident.
In fact, Yusuf’s past interactions indicate that he is fairly comfortable speaking with our usual suspects. In late 2018, when he was still very much a minion of the occidental liberal establishment, Yusuf gave an interview, again to The Wire. Then too, the appellations used were of the first name variety. And then too, the set up was provided by our side, with an elaborate introduction, on how it was Modi’s rigid refusal to speak to Pakistan, which was stymieing Islamabad’s peace efforts. It was like Yusuf was talking to himself.
Interestingly, that 2018 interlocutor finds repeated, grateful mention in Yusuf’s book, ‘Brokering peace in nuclear environments’. It is a tome which makes an elaborate case for third-party intervention in the Indian subcontinent, without offering solutions on what Pakistan has been up to for so long in Kashmir. Again, readers may note the similarity of that argument, to hopes expressed by some of our own earlier this week, that they expected American Secretary of State Antony Blinken to reprimand Modi while in Delhi.

Still, as an educated man, and an academic, Yusuf should know that the more he scoffs at the one country he actually needs to deal with, by blithely mixing casuistry with pointless derision in such a cavalier manner, the less seriously he will be taken. That’s bad for his country, since national security is grave business, not a talk show, and they are probably laughing at him in Washington, DC and Delhi. John Le Carré put it best many years ago, that the more you mock your opponents, the less capable you become of tackling them, because scorn is self-defeating.

Thus, what we learn is that Yusuf, when supplied the opportunity, is good at quietly pushing uncertainty into a conversation, in an elegant, refined way; after which, he spins the ball on demand. In December 2018, he sidestepped a question from The Wire on Imran Khan’s possible India policy, by suavely wondering what the outcome of the 2019 Indian general elections would be. He said: ‘I’m hearing that…after the recent assembly elections [in Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh, all three of which the BJP lost]…the field has opened up’. Translation: why should I reveal my cards just yet, when I’m trying to see how Modi can lose in 2019?

But that only makes him a PR-wallah, not a security affairs specialist. Or, maybe that’s all he is. Yusuf comes across as just another smug political appointee who obediently does as he is told, by all his masters – foreign and domestic. His insouciance probably stems from the fact that, he is resigned to being used as a prop and a patsy rolled into one. He knows that becoming NSA of a nuclear power is about as good as it is ever going to get for him (unless the Pakistani army co-opts him into politics, or the firangi jamaat write him a new role); the fall guy, to be used and thrown as and when required.

In which case, does it matter which leftist Indian web portal he speaks to, however frequently, if all he’s meant to do is a good salesman’s job of plugging his army’s line? After all, it is not like he is going to take, or will ever be allowed to take, a dozen pointed questions on camera from a publication like Swarajya, for example. Meaning, that Yusuf will be glib only as long as the boundaries of an interaction are kept within the family.

For perspective, imagine Swarajya’s R Jagannathan in a blue suit (with one collar tip slightly askew), speaking to Yusuf for an hour on geopolitics. Conjures delicious visions of a memorable interview, doesn’t it? And yet, the truth is that, ceteris paribus, such an interview would never happen; not so much because the Pakistani army wouldn’t want their man fried to a crisp, but because there are enough East Coast liberals of various skin tones, at home and abroad, who would instantly nip such a move in the bud.

And that’s the concluding point: the real takeaway is not that Yusuf is more mannequin than man, or more someone’s script than security expert, but that, certain sections of the Indian press are so cosily chummy with establishment liberals. Makes you wonder how deep the roots actually go.

It also makes you wonder why the Pakistani army, the firangi jamaat, plus the leftie end of our media spectrum were, collectively, so awfully keen for a Pakistani NSA to get an Indian platform, to sanctimoniously justify his nation’s policies to an Indian audience – precisely when Islamabad is up to no good in Kashmir and Afghanistan. Now that’s a set of dots worth connecting.

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Indian Defense

INS Arihant’s Nuke-Capable K-4 Submarine-Launched Ballistic Missile ‘Ready To Roll’

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INS Arihant’s Nuke-Capable K-4 Submarine-Launched Ballistic Missile ‘Ready To Roll’


NEW DELHI: India tested its nuclear capable K-4 submarine-launched ballistic missile (SLBM), designed to have a strike range of 3,500 km, for the second time in six days on Friday. The missile test, as the one conducted on January 19, was undertaken from an undersea platform in the shape of a submersible pontoon off the coast of Andhra Pradesh according to a report by Rajat Pandit of TOI.

The solid-fuelled K-4 missile is being developed by DRDO to arm the country’s nuclear-powered submarines in the shape of INS Arihant and its under-development sister vessels. INS Arihant, which became fully operational in November 2018 to complete India’s nuclear triad, is currently armed with the much shorter K-15 missiles with a 750 km range.

“The K-4 is now virtually ready for its serial production to kick-off. The two tests have demonstrated its capability to emerge straight from underwater and undertake its parabolic trajectory,” said a source.

India has the land-based Agni missiles, with the over 5,000-km Agni-V inter-continental ballistic missile now in the process of being inducted, and fighter jets jury-rigged to deliver nuclear weapons. But INS Arihant gives the country’s deterrence posture much more credibility because nuclear-powered submarines armed with nuclear-tipped missiles are considered the most secure, survivable and potent platforms for retaliatory strikes.

Once the K-4 missiles are inducted, they will help India narrow the gap with countries like the US, Russia and China, which have over 5,000-km range SLBMs. The K-4 missiles are to be followed by the K-5 and K-6 missiles in the 5,000-6,000 km range class.

The 6,000-ton INS Arihant, which is propelled by an 83 MW pressurised light-water reactor at its core, in turn, is to be followed by INS Arighat, which was launched in 2017. The next generation of nuclear submarines, currently called S-4 and S-4*, will be much larger in size.





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After Upgradation, Sukhoi Su-30MKI Indigenisation To Reach 78%

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After Upgradation, Sukhoi Su-30MKI Indigenisation To Reach 78%


India has received clearance to upgrade 84 Sukhoi Su-30MKI fighter jets, which will result in 78% indigenization after the upgrade

In a significant step towards bolstering its military might with indigenously developed technology, India is poised to witness its Russian-origin Sukhoi Su-30MKI fighter jets evolve into a domestic platform. Speaking at a recent lecture.

The upgrade program is being led by Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) in partnership with the Indian Air Force and other partners. The upgrade is expected to cost US$7.5 billion.

The Defence Acquisition Council (DAC) granted Acceptance of Necessity (AoN) for the upgrade. The upgrade is part of India’s efforts to improve the capabilities of its primary fighter aircraft, it refers to as the “Super Sukhoi”.

This initiative is a part of a larger effort by the Indian Air Force to modernize its ageing fleet. Air Chief Marshal Chaudhari asserted the critical role of an offensive air force as demonstrated in current global conflicts and emphasized India’s move towards an indigenized arsenal. To this end, the IAF has been proactive, from upgrading its Mirage 2000 to enhancing its MiG-29 fleet.

In summary, the IAF’s commitment to updating their combat forces with the latest technology, including shifting to fifth-generation fighter jets, ensures operational preparedness and a strong deterrence capability. The gradual indigenization of its air fleet marks a pivotal shift in India’s defence landscape, reducing dependency on foreign imports and fostering technological sovereignty.





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Akash Weapon System Exports For The Armenian Armed Forces Gathers Pace

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Akash Weapon System Exports For The Armenian Armed Forces Gathers Pace


According to unconfirmed reports, Armenia is a top contender for an export order for Akash SAM system manufactured by Bharat Dynamics Limited (BDL).

While there is no official confirmation because of the sensitivities involved, documents suggest that the order for the same has already been placed the report further added.
There are nine countries, in turn, which have shown interest in the indigenously-developed Akash missile systems, which can intercept hostile aircraft, helicopters, drones and subsonic cruise missiles at a range of 25-km. They are Kenya, Philippines, Indonesia, UAE, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Vietnam and Algeria reported TOI.

The Akash export version will also be slightly different from the one inducted by the armed forces. The 100-km range air-to-air Astra missiles, now entering production after successful trials from Sukhoi-30MKI fighters, also have “good export potential”, said sources.

Akash is a “tried, tested and successfully inducted systems”. Indian armed forces have ordered Akash systems worth Rs 24,000 crore over the years, and MoD inked a contract in Mar 2023 of over Rs 9,100 crores for improved Akash Weapon System

BDL is a government enterprise under the Ministry of Defence that was established in 1970. BDL manufactures surface-to-air missiles and delivers them to the Indian Army. BDL also offers its products for export.

Akash Weapon System

The AWS is a Short Range Surface to Air Missile (SRSAM) Air Defence System, indigenously designed and developed by Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO). In order to meet aerial threats, two additional Regiments of AWS with Upgradation are being procured for Indian Army for the Northern borders. Improved AWS has Seeker Technology, Reduced Foot Print, 360° Engagement Capability and improved environmental parameters.

The project will give a boost to the Indian missile manufacturing industry in particular and the indigenous defence manufacturing ecosystem as a whole. The project has overall indigenous content of 82% which will be increased to 93% by 2026-27.

The induction of the improved AWS into the Indian Army will increase India’s self-reliance in Short Range Missile capability. This project will play a role in boosting the overall economy by avoiding outgo of precious foreign exchange to other countries, increasing employment avenues in India and encouraging Indian MSMEs through components manufacturing. Around 60% of the project cost will be awarded to the private industry, including MSMEs, in maintaining the supply chain of the weapon system, thereby creating large scale of direct and indirect employment.





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