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The Russian Arms Pipeline

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The Russian Arms Pipeline

A string of new defence deals sets the stage for the forthcoming face-to-face summit between prime minister Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin

by Sandeep Unnithan

Lord of War meets James Bond in a dimly-lit conference room in the heart of Moscow. See-through glass panels glisten with images of drones, tanks and missiles. A hologram host—a Russian-speaking woman in a little black dress—glides along minimalist concrete walls to explain cutting-edge weaponry produced by Moscow’s military industrial complex. Coiffed English-speaking executives, the public relations tip of an export-focused military enterprise, walk around the display with tablets. Welcome to the headquarters of the Federal Service of Military Technical Cooperation (FSMTC), the Russian body overseeing global arms exports worth over $50 billion (Rs 3.65 lakh crore) annually.

Lord of War meets James Bond in a dimly-lit conference room in the heart of Moscow. See-through glass panels glisten with images of drones, tanks and missiles. A hologram host—a Russian-speaking woman in a little black dress—glides along minimalist concrete walls to explain cutting-edge weaponry produced by Moscow’s military industrial complex. Coiffed English-speaking executives, the public relations tip of an export-focused military enterprise, walk around the display with tablets. Welcome to the headquarters of the Federal Service of Military Technical Cooperation (FSMTC), the Russian body overseeing global arms exports worth over $50 billion (Rs 3.65 lakh crore) annually.

In the conference room, FSMTC director Dmitry Shugaev downplays the US sanctions hanging like the sword of Damocles over Russia’s arms transactions with India. “Such sanctions have zero per cent effect,” says Shugaev. “India is interested in strengthening its military capability.” This would certainly seem to be the case. Later this year, the Indian Air Force (IAF) will take delivery of the first consignment of the Russian-built S-400 long range air defence missile system. It is part of a $5.43 billion (Rs 39,645 crore) deal for five systems signed in 2018 in the teeth of opposition from the US. The US has warned India about the provisions of CAATSA (Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act) against countries dealing with Russia, promoted by Moscow’s alleged interference in the 2016 US presidential polls and military actions in Syria and Ukraine.

No US sanctions have been imposed yet, possibly because India is not just a strategic ally but has also bought $18 billion (Rs 1.31 lakh crore) worth of US arms since 2008, with tens of billions of dollars of arms still in the pipeline. India’s defence requirements have remained unchanged by the pandemic-induced economic downturn. The aggressive nine-month deployment by the PLA (People’s Liberation Army) in Ladakh, beginning last year, underscored the fact that India’s three-decades-long peace on the boundary with China might have come to an end. This uncertainty is underwritten by weapons deals and deft diplomatic manoeuvring between the US and Russia, two of India’s strategic partners who have been waging a mini Cold War since 2017.

The rupee-rouble payment route worked out by India and Russia to avoid US sanctions and bypass SWIFT transactions has been humming for the past two years. In the pipeline are multi-billion-dollar Indo-Russian defence deals. Both countries recently initiated discussions on leasing a second Akula-class nuclear-powered attack submarine (SSN) to bolster India’s severely depleted submarine arm. It is in addition to the Russian Navy’s submarine Bratsk (now called Chakra-3) that will join the Indian Navy in 2026. India and Russia concluded a $3 billion (Rs 21,910 crore) deal for the Chakra-3 in 2019. The cost covers the vessel’s 72-month refit and 10-year lease. The second SSN will ensure that the navy’s carrier battle groups, centred around the INS Vikramaditya and the INS Vikrant, will have one attack submarine each. The two SSNs can also be used for escorting India’s fleet of four Arihant-class ballistic missile submarines.

At the other end of the technology spectrum, both countries recently inked a Rs 300 crore deal for 70,000 AK-series rifles. This comes even as they negotiate a $1.6 billion (Rs 11,690 crore) deal for joint production of over 700,000 pieces of the assault rifle in Amethi, Uttar Pradesh. The army, this April, floated a global inquiry for buying 350 light tanks which will be air transportable and, more importantly, deployed in the Himalayan mountains against China. The Russian-built Sprut light tank is a front-runner because it weighs a little more than an infantry combat vehicle but packs a heavy 125mm gun of the kind carried by the army’s T-72 and T-90 medium tanks. The army wants to buy a limited number of Sprut tanks off the shelf.

Then, there are deals worth $15 billion (Rs 1.09 lakh crore) either being executed or negotiated. The weapon buys will be foregrounded by the first in-person bilateral meeting between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin in two years, scheduled in New Delhi later this year. Besides the thriving defence cooperation, there are frequent joint military exercises, and Russia is also assisting in training the four astronauts selected for India’s Gaganyaan manned space mission set for 2022.

G Parthasarathy, former high commissioner to Islamabad, says PM Modi’s visit to Russia is a reassertion of India’s policy of strategic autonomy. “We are part of the Quad with the US because we need to balance Chinese power in the Indo-Pacific, but this will not come at the cost of our relationship with Russia. That is the true essence of strategic autonomy,” he says.

The relationship has become particularly complicated in recent years because Russia and China also share close security cooperation and a relationship driven by arms sales and common loathing for the US. “We have glorious past, good present and a bright future,” says Ruslan Pukhov, director of the Moscow-based think tank Centre for the Analysis of Strategies and Technologies (CAST). But he adds a few caveats. “Russians are very nervous about US activity in India. Indians are suspicious about Russian-Chinese rapprochement. So there are huge risks, especially after the departure of Putin or Modi since many things are based on their personal chemistry,” says Pukhov.

There is Pakistan as well. In recent years, Moscow has sold Mi-35 helicopter gunships, Klimov RD-93 jet engines for JF-17 fighters and Pantsir air defence missile systems to Islamabad. These arms sales have violated verbal assurances to India. But it has not come in the way of the Russia-India relationship for several important reasons. Despite a renewed drive to achieve self-sufficiency in defence production launched last year, India is still years away from becoming self-reliant in critical areas of defence production.

Russian assistance is key to bridging capability gaps, such as the nuclear-powered attack submarine fleet. India’s indigenous programme to build six nuclear submarines will take at least a decade to deliver its first unit. The navy returned its only nuclear-powered attack submarine, the Chakra-2, to Russia this year after the 10-year lease ended. This is where the two Akula-class submarines come as a booster shot.

Russian Arms Deals Now Face Greater Scrutiny As India Is Insisting On Transfer Of Critical Technologies

Russia has also offered to sell four second-hand Kilo-class submarines to tide over a shortfall of conventional submarines—with India needing to pay an estimated $1 billion (Rs 7,300 crore) for refitting all four vessels in a Russian yard. These boats will be a stop-gap measure before the navy starts getting six conventional Project 75I submarines from domestic shipyards. Indian soldiers posted at high altitudes could be resupplied with the Kamov 226T helicopter, a boxy machine capable of hefting a one-tonne load. Indian infantry could soon be armed with Russian-designed AK-203 assault rifles, a modernised version of the iconic rifle which entered service over seven decades ago.

Long pending deals for spares have helped speed up the ongoing refit in Karwar of the Russian-built INS Vikramaditya. A $2.5 billion (Rs 18,250 crore) contract for four Krivak-class frigates will see two warships being built in Russia and two by the Goa Shipyard Ltd.

Significant as these may seem, Russia’s footprint in the Indian defence market has dwindled in recent years with the entry of the United States. A March 2021 report by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute said that while India accounted for 23 per cent of Russia’s total arms exports in 2015-2020, this was a 22 per cent reduction in arms sales to India compared to 2011-2015.

Both countries are counting on joint ventures to knit their military industrial complexes together and deepen the defence relationship. India does not have a similar relationship with any other country. The 23-year old Indo-Russian BrahMos Corporation, which produces the eponymous supersonic cruise missile, is a model for two other projects: Indo-Russian Helicopters to produce the Ka-226 and Indo-Russian Rifles, which will produce the AK-203 assault rifles. The Ak-203 will not only replace the army’s INSAS and East European AK-type rifles, it will be the Indian infantry soldier’s main rifle for over a decade. Yet, the bonhomie has not prevented Russian deals from being subject to enhanced scrutiny by India’s ministry of defence (MoD).

The MoD wants Russia to transfer critical technologies to allow its industry to become self-sufficient. In 2018, India pulled the plug on a joint venture to produce a fifth generation fighter, the Sukhoi Su-57, because it was unhappy with the low level of technology being shared. A joint venture to manufacture 200 Kamov Ka-226 helicopters could face a similar fate. It has been held up for three years because the MoD wants Russia to boost the indigenous content in the machine to 70 per cent for all helicopters.

The deal to produce AK-203 assault rifles is held up because the Russian side insisted on a price of over $1,200 per rifle—at least $200 more than the cost of an imported US-made SiG 716 battle rifle which the army also uses. Indian officials want Russia’s Kalashnikov company to transfer both the knowhow and the know-why of the legendary weapon. The relationship with Russia will continue, but it clearly won’t be an unequal one.

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INS Arihant’s Nuke-Capable K-4 Submarine-Launched Ballistic Missile ‘Ready To Roll’

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INS Arihant’s Nuke-Capable K-4 Submarine-Launched Ballistic Missile ‘Ready To Roll’


NEW DELHI: India tested its nuclear capable K-4 submarine-launched ballistic missile (SLBM), designed to have a strike range of 3,500 km, for the second time in six days on Friday. The missile test, as the one conducted on January 19, was undertaken from an undersea platform in the shape of a submersible pontoon off the coast of Andhra Pradesh according to a report by Rajat Pandit of TOI.

The solid-fuelled K-4 missile is being developed by DRDO to arm the country’s nuclear-powered submarines in the shape of INS Arihant and its under-development sister vessels. INS Arihant, which became fully operational in November 2018 to complete India’s nuclear triad, is currently armed with the much shorter K-15 missiles with a 750 km range.

“The K-4 is now virtually ready for its serial production to kick-off. The two tests have demonstrated its capability to emerge straight from underwater and undertake its parabolic trajectory,” said a source.

India has the land-based Agni missiles, with the over 5,000-km Agni-V inter-continental ballistic missile now in the process of being inducted, and fighter jets jury-rigged to deliver nuclear weapons. But INS Arihant gives the country’s deterrence posture much more credibility because nuclear-powered submarines armed with nuclear-tipped missiles are considered the most secure, survivable and potent platforms for retaliatory strikes.

Once the K-4 missiles are inducted, they will help India narrow the gap with countries like the US, Russia and China, which have over 5,000-km range SLBMs. The K-4 missiles are to be followed by the K-5 and K-6 missiles in the 5,000-6,000 km range class.

The 6,000-ton INS Arihant, which is propelled by an 83 MW pressurised light-water reactor at its core, in turn, is to be followed by INS Arighat, which was launched in 2017. The next generation of nuclear submarines, currently called S-4 and S-4*, will be much larger in size.





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After Upgradation, Sukhoi Su-30MKI Indigenisation To Reach 78%

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After Upgradation, Sukhoi Su-30MKI Indigenisation To Reach 78%


India has received clearance to upgrade 84 Sukhoi Su-30MKI fighter jets, which will result in 78% indigenization after the upgrade

In a significant step towards bolstering its military might with indigenously developed technology, India is poised to witness its Russian-origin Sukhoi Su-30MKI fighter jets evolve into a domestic platform. Speaking at a recent lecture.

The upgrade program is being led by Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) in partnership with the Indian Air Force and other partners. The upgrade is expected to cost US$7.5 billion.

The Defence Acquisition Council (DAC) granted Acceptance of Necessity (AoN) for the upgrade. The upgrade is part of India’s efforts to improve the capabilities of its primary fighter aircraft, it refers to as the “Super Sukhoi”.

This initiative is a part of a larger effort by the Indian Air Force to modernize its ageing fleet. Air Chief Marshal Chaudhari asserted the critical role of an offensive air force as demonstrated in current global conflicts and emphasized India’s move towards an indigenized arsenal. To this end, the IAF has been proactive, from upgrading its Mirage 2000 to enhancing its MiG-29 fleet.

In summary, the IAF’s commitment to updating their combat forces with the latest technology, including shifting to fifth-generation fighter jets, ensures operational preparedness and a strong deterrence capability. The gradual indigenization of its air fleet marks a pivotal shift in India’s defence landscape, reducing dependency on foreign imports and fostering technological sovereignty.





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Akash Weapon System Exports For The Armenian Armed Forces Gathers Pace

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Akash Weapon System Exports For The Armenian Armed Forces Gathers Pace


According to unconfirmed reports, Armenia is a top contender for an export order for Akash SAM system manufactured by Bharat Dynamics Limited (BDL).

While there is no official confirmation because of the sensitivities involved, documents suggest that the order for the same has already been placed the report further added.
There are nine countries, in turn, which have shown interest in the indigenously-developed Akash missile systems, which can intercept hostile aircraft, helicopters, drones and subsonic cruise missiles at a range of 25-km. They are Kenya, Philippines, Indonesia, UAE, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Vietnam and Algeria reported TOI.

The Akash export version will also be slightly different from the one inducted by the armed forces. The 100-km range air-to-air Astra missiles, now entering production after successful trials from Sukhoi-30MKI fighters, also have “good export potential”, said sources.

Akash is a “tried, tested and successfully inducted systems”. Indian armed forces have ordered Akash systems worth Rs 24,000 crore over the years, and MoD inked a contract in Mar 2023 of over Rs 9,100 crores for improved Akash Weapon System

BDL is a government enterprise under the Ministry of Defence that was established in 1970. BDL manufactures surface-to-air missiles and delivers them to the Indian Army. BDL also offers its products for export.

Akash Weapon System

The AWS is a Short Range Surface to Air Missile (SRSAM) Air Defence System, indigenously designed and developed by Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO). In order to meet aerial threats, two additional Regiments of AWS with Upgradation are being procured for Indian Army for the Northern borders. Improved AWS has Seeker Technology, Reduced Foot Print, 360° Engagement Capability and improved environmental parameters.

The project will give a boost to the Indian missile manufacturing industry in particular and the indigenous defence manufacturing ecosystem as a whole. The project has overall indigenous content of 82% which will be increased to 93% by 2026-27.

The induction of the improved AWS into the Indian Army will increase India’s self-reliance in Short Range Missile capability. This project will play a role in boosting the overall economy by avoiding outgo of precious foreign exchange to other countries, increasing employment avenues in India and encouraging Indian MSMEs through components manufacturing. Around 60% of the project cost will be awarded to the private industry, including MSMEs, in maintaining the supply chain of the weapon system, thereby creating large scale of direct and indirect employment.





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