world news
‘Killing Jews is Yahya Sinwar’s strongest instinct’
Against the backdrop of the ongoing 46th day of the war against Hamas, the question arises of how the terrorist organization perceives the large-scale ground operation carried out by the IDF in the Gaza Strip.
In a conversation with Yinon Magal and Barak Seri on 103FM, Zvi Yehezkeli, the head of the Arab Desk at Channel 13, commented on the mindset of Hamas since the outbreak of the conflict.
What were they thinking when they committed the horrific massacre on October 7?
“Killing Jews is Yahya Sinwar’s strongest instinct. We are currently in the midst of a military operation, with the army actively engaged, showcasing an incredible fighting spirit.
“Now, let’s discuss the future. As long as there is a political entity in the Gaza Strip, you will always have Hamas. You cannot eradicate Hamas; it’s deeply engrained in the Palestinian identity, more so than Fatah or anything else. If the situation in the north Gaza Strip were to replicate itself in the south Gaza Strip – with refugees seeking protection elsewhere and finding host countries – leaving the Gaza Strip without Hamas and a large population will be impossible.
“It’s either Hamas or the people. Eventually, whoever governs the Gaza Strip will never accept your existence. No Palestinians, in any form, neither the Palestinian Authority nor a reformed Authority, will acknowledge your presence.”
What do you propose for the day after?
“What has happened in Gaza can also happen in the West Bank. We have a zero-sum game with the Palestinians, and if we fail to realize this, it will consume us. Even in Judea and Samaria, my friends, it’s just a matter of time.
“Just ask the residents of settlements; they know this is coming their way. Palestinians passing by the fence warn us, ‘We will do to you what they did to you in Gaza.’ I receive calls from Haredi individuals living in Beitar Illit, telling me, ‘The Arabs are coming, and Gaza is a precursor.’
“Understand that something has fundamentally changed regarding Palestinian existence. They have achieved what Nasrallah did in 2000; they managed to enter, kill, and massacre, and we did nothing.”
Does witnessing the ongoing events in Gaza not make them think twice?
“Their concern is not for the residents. Yahya Sinwar doesn’t care that two million people have become refugees. It simply doesn’t matter to him. He believes it is a noble cause, something greater than himself, and it would be a miscalculation if he doesn’t pursue it.
“Hence, even if you push it towards the West Bank, even if it’s true that Abu Mazen doesn’t incite them for jihad, the public will. Is Jenin no longer like Gaza? Is Nablus no longer like Gaza? These are small places that have embraced jihad. Jihad holds greater significance for them than anything else, even if it brings them down and backfires.”
Yehezkeli also said, “Gaza, before the massacre, was in a state of development. They built infrastructure and thriving buildings. Yet, they are willing to destroy all of it, reducing it to rubble, just to fight you. They know that eventually, you will feel remorse over their situation and leave.
“There’s an Arabic saying, ‘If you want your stocks to rise, deal with a Jew. They will always take care of you.’ The mercy of the Jews is something Arabs praise – their compassion. They know we won’t turn the tables; they know we are merciful. A soldier said to me, ‘Jews kill to survive, while Arabs live to kill.’ That’s the difference.”
“Every day the token falls to us, we are in the Middle East. This war is not a month or two, I think something strategic has happened here, the State of Israel is about to go through a huge process for the next few years. You will not stop seeing soldiers here in reserves and with weapons.
“This will not end friends, it will not end in Gaza, it will continue to Judea and Samaria. We have many more arenas. What, do you think that Nasrallah has finished his story?” he asked.
Part of the arguments for not launching a preemptive strike and a second front against Nasrallah and Hezbollah was that “we will dismantle Hamas” so that those in the north will see what we are doing and not want to enter.
Are you saying it makes no impression on them?
“If you end Gaza in a ‘wow’ way, everyone will step back and say, ‘Listen, the Jews did something that is beyond their nature, and that’s it.'”
What is beyond nature?
“What is beyond nature? That no Palestinian refugees remain in the Gaza Strip.”
What? Where will the two million go?
“200,000 to 10 countries, what’s the problem? Germany took in four million Syrian refugees, Europe took in another two million, Lebanon took in two million from Assad, Jordan took in Egypt. Those who protect the Palestinians all the time, what’s the problem if they take some Palestinians? What’s the problem? Why can’t they?
“You will not be able to establish your control and for the State of Israel to be safe, as long as you have an entity there that will always threaten you. Or you will once again build shields and protected rooms, etc.”
How is Dahlan? Is he planning to return to Gaza?
“I don’t know. He’s a star in Israel and among the Americans, but I think they don’t understand either. Everyone who took care of the Gaza Strip in recent years must hold themselves accountable.”
Assisted in the preparation of the article: Amitai Doak, 103fm
Despite the growing criticism, Israel is standing firm in its attempt to banish the United Nations Relief and Works Agency from operating in its territory.
Since its ban came into effect on January 30, Israeli authorities have severed coordination ties with the agency, shut down schools in east Jerusalem, and effectively forced international staff to leave.
The government’s decision was largely driven by its expanding allegations that UNRWA employees hold links to terrorist organizations.
The fallout has been swift. Countries such as the United States, Canada, New Zealand, and the European Union have suspended or withdrawn funding, citing concerns over neutrality.Beyond the political maneuvering and aid cuts, the issue has added fresh scrutiny to a decades-old debate that remains unresolved: Who qualifies as a Palestinian refugee? And should this status be inherited indefinitely – even by millionaires?
A refugee definition unlike any other
UNRWA was created shortly after the 1948 Arab-Israeli war to assist 750,000 Palestinians displaced by the conflict. Today, its registry lists over six million refugees.
Critics argue that no other refugee group in the world operates with this mandate.
“Unlike every other refugee crisis in history, Palestinian refugees don’t decrease in number – they increase. UNRWA doesn’t resettle, it perpetuates,” says Dina Rovner, legal adviser for UN Watch. “The result? A crisis that has lasted decades longer than any other.”
Among those classified as Palestinian refugees is Jordanian-American real estate mogul Mohamed Hadid and his five millionaire children, including supermodels Bella and Gigi Hadid. Twenty-nine-year-old Zahwa Arafat, the billionaire daughter of former Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat, also retains this status.
Under UNRWA’s unique framework, all descendants of Palestinian refugees “who lost both their home and means of livelihood in Mandate Palestine between 1946-1948 are eligible for refugee status,” regardless of wealth or nationality – a stark contrast to the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which removes individuals from its registries once they are resettled or naturalized.
UNRWA, though, asserts that Palestinian refugee status is determined by the UN General Assembly, not the agency itself.
“Palestinian refugees were recognized under Resolution 194 before UNRWA existed, where human rights were not subjected to economic status,” says Jonathan Fowler, UNRWA’s senior communications manager. “In mass displacements, refugee status applies collectively and passes through generations, as seen with Afghan, Sudanese, and Sahrawi refugees”
“Yet, the difference is striking. After WWII, millions were displaced, primarily in Europe, but around 1.5 million were resettled by temporary UN agencies before UNHCR took over in 1952. In contrast, 77 years later, UNRWA remains a permanent institution, even as many, like the 2.4 million in Jordan who hold citizenship, continue receiving its assistance.”
This raises a pivotal question: Does UNRWA’s approach maintain statelessness rather than resolving it?
The debate over disparities
The controversy extends beyond definitions. Critics hold that UNRWA’s budget and staff allocation raise questions about its efficiency compared to other refugee agencies.
When first established, UNRWA’s annual budget was 110 times greater than UNHCRs. Today, it employs 30,000 staff for nearly six million refugees – a 1:200 ratio. In contrast, UNHCR, which serves around 32 million refugees globally, operates with 20,000 staff, translating to one staff member per 1,600 refugees.
“There is a clear inconsistency in how the world treats the Palestinians compared to other refugees,” says Rovner. “If they were under the UNHCR, the majority would not be considered eligible.”
Fowler counters the criticism, explaining that UNRWA’s economic and service model is fundamentally different and of significant value. “It was designed as a sustained relief and works program until a viable solution is achieved, much like the 1930s US Tennessee Valley Authority.” Moreover, he adds, “the value for money is extraordinary – hiring locals not only brings local benefits but also costs 40%-50% less than employing internationals.”
UNRWA under fire
As the debate over refugee classification rages on, Israel’s reports of UNRWA’s connections to terrorism have also dominated recent discussions. Citing its intelligence findings, Israeli authorities maintain that 10% of the agency’s senior educators in Gaza have ties to Hamas or Palestinian Islamic Jihad.
“UNRWA’s response is always the same – to deflect, deny, and cover up. They never take responsibility. They claim to be a ‘humanitarian backbone’ in Gaza but promote Hamas propaganda, like it did with the Gaza famine narrative, which has been totally debunked,” charges Rovner.
However, there are also claims that UNRWA is being targeted politically, as Fowler indicates: “There’s a barrage of misinformation about who we are and who we’re not. We share all our staff lists with regional authorities, including Israel, and have never received pushback about specific employees before.”
Despite Israel’s push to dismantle UNRWA, many European nations have since reinstated funding after reviewing oversight measures and accounting for its critical humanitarian role. Fowler points to the recently commissioned and independent Colonna Report, which found UNRWA to have more robust neutrality standards than any other UN agency. Still, critics like Rovner, remain unconvinced, contending that the problem is systemic.
What happens if UNRWA does disappear?
With increasing calls within Israel and the United States to abolish UNRWA, the question arises: If UNRWA disappears, what happens next?
Fowler says that the organization has no intention of existing indefinitely, but it continues so far as the situation remains unresolved.
“Abolishing UNRWA ignores reality,” observes Fowler. “We are often thanked by Israeli authorities, albeit at the moment not so openly, for the work we do, because without us, the responsibility will fall on them.”
The topic of reform has come up quite a lot where UNRWA and the UN at large are concerned. Some believe that redefining Palestinian refugees under UNHCR rules could force a shift in the political deadlock. Others, though, insist not only is it too little, too late for reforms, but that they are insufficient in addressing the deeper issues.
“As long as UNRWA exists, there will always be a Palestinian right-of-return narrative that keeps the conflict alive. Palestinians have to step up to the plate and take responsibility for their own future. Without Palestinian self-determination, chances of a prosperous future are slim,” says Rovner.
Questions without answers
With funding cuts, Israeli bans, and growing global pressure, UNRWA finds itself at a crossroads. Today, it is continuing to operate, even on a limited scale – holding that as long as millions remain classified as refugees, it has a job to do.
Still, fundamental questions continue to go unanswered: Who should be classified a Palestinian refugee? Should refugee status be hereditary forever – even for those who live in luxury? Who should be responsible for the Palestinians? And what is Israel’s role?
With neither Israel disappearing nor the Palestinian refugee issue nearing resolution, UNRWA persists as a central fault line in one of the world’s most protracted conflicts. Whether the agency serves as a crucial humanitarian lifeline or a political roadblock to lasting peace depends entirely on whom you ask.
Israel’s political echelon, led by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, has ordered the IDF to prepare for an “immediate” return to fighting in Gaza, KAN News reported on Friday evening.
The Jerusalem Post reported earlier this week that Israeli officials estimated that if no agreement was reached between Israel and Hamas, Israel would return to fighting in Gaza in about a week and a half.
“Hamas is currently rejecting [US Middle East envoy Steve] Witkoff’s proposal, so it is very difficult to make progress,” one official said.
According to the Prime Minister’s Office, Witkoff’s plan involves the release of half of the living hostages and the return of half of the bodies on the first day of the continued deal. The rest of the hostages and bodies would be returned on the 42nd day, which would be the final day of the ceasefire.However, some claim that the terrorist organization has not rejected the proposal. According to a source familiar with the negotiations, “Hamas has neither accepted nor rejected the Witkoff proposal.”
Eyal Zamir to Gaza border community heads: We’re preparing to fight
On his first day as the new IDF chief of staff on Thursday, Lt.-Gen. Eyal Zamir told heads of local councils from the Gaza border communities that “we are preparing to return to fighting” in Gaza.
“We must defeat Hamas,” Zamir said. “We are also preparing to resume fighting. The hostages are our top priority.”
Amichai Stein contributed to this report.
Negotiations over the continued release of hostages held in Gaza have stalled, and “right now there is nothing happening,” sources familiar with details of the talks admitted in conversation with The Jerusalem Post on Monday.
“Right now, there’s nothing happening,” an Israeli official told the Post, adding that “Hamas is currently rejecting the Witkoff proposal, so it is very difficult to make progress.”
According to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s office, the Witkoff plan involves the release of half of the living hostages and the return of half of the bodies on the first day of the deal. The second half of the hostages and bodies would be returned on the 42nd day, which would be the final day of the ceasefire.
On the other hand, some claim that Hamas has not rejected the proposal. “Hamas has neither accepted nor rejected the Witkoff proposal,” said a source with knowledge of the negotiations with the Post.“Hamas has said it is willing to negotiate and has not rejected the plan. Since Israel currently states that this is the proposal on the table, from Israel’s perspective, Hamas has rejected it.”
Trump envoy Steve Witkoff not expected to visit Israel soon, source says
An Israeli source told the Post that there is no expectation for Trump’s envoy, Steve Witkoff, to visit the region at the moment, adding, “He will only come to finalize a deal. And since there is no real progress right now, it is unclear when or if he will arrive.”
Without an agreement on the release of additional hostages in the coming days, Israeli sources say Israel is preparing to escalate its actions against Hamas. After the decision on Sunday to stop humanitarian aid, Israel is preparing to cut off water and electricity to the Gaza Strip, as well as resume fighting – some say this might happen, without a deal, as early as next week.
Israeli officials suggest that even without accepting the Witkoff initiative, Hamas might agree to release additional hostages in the near future in exchange for the release of terrorists from prison and the entry of caravans and humanitarian aid, but they add that this also depends on other issues.
“The Israeli government needs to decide what will be negotiated with Hamas and what they will receive in exchange for the release of hostages in the coming weeks,” said an Israeli source. “Hamas’s agreement to release more hostages depends on the answers to these questions.”
Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz said on Monday that Israel responded to the mediators’ request to allow a few more days of negotiations. Katz added,d “If Hamas does not release the hostages soon, the gates of Gaza will be locked and the gates of hell will be opened – we will return to fighting, and they will face the IDF with forces and methods they have never encountered before.”
Israeli officials suggest that even without accepting the Witkoff initiative, Hamas might agree to release additional hostages in the near future in exchange for the release of terrorists from prison and the entry of caravans and humanitarian aid, but they add that this also depends on other issues. “The Israeli government needs to decide what will be negotiated with Hamas and what they will receive in exchange for the release of hostages in the coming weeks,” said an Israeli source. “Hamas’s agreement to release more hostages depends on the answers to these questions.”
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