Indian Defense
Pakistan, Not India, Rejected Plebiscite In Kashmir
Pakistan’s preference in successive wars has been the use of force, not a plebiscite
As both supporters and critics mark the second anniversary of the effective abrogation of Article 370, it is useful to document one of the biggest, but least known, inconsistency in Pakistan’s narrative on Jammu and Kashmir (J&K). Pakistan consistently raises the demand for a plebiscite in J&K, but has always rejected it whenever a specific proposal has been presented.
In his memoir, Mission with Mountbatten, Alan Campbell Johnson, an aide to the first governor-general of the dominion of India, has written that Louis Mountbatten proposed a “plebiscite under United Nations Organisation’s auspices” to Mohammad Ali Jinnah on November 2 1947. Jinnah, who was governor-general of Pakistan, instead suggested a plebiscite to be organised bilaterally by the two governor-generals. This was declined by Mountbatten as going beyond his remit.
Jinnah’s rejection of a UN-supervised plebiscite stands in contradiction to the subsequent narrative developed by Pakistan. The invading tribals sponsored by Pakistan looted, killed, and raped Hindus and Muslims alike in Kashmir. It was unlikely that the outcome of a vote would have favoured Pakistan.
In August 1948, the United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP) adopted a three-part resolution outlining a ceasefire, withdrawal of all forces under Pakistan’s control, and a plebiscite. In his first formal reply to the UNCIP chair on August 19, 1948, Pakistan’s foreign minister Sir Zafarullah Khan outlined two solutions — either confine efforts to “ceasefire, pure and simple, such as in part I of the Commission’s resolution or to attempt at the very start a complete and final solution of the entire Jammu and Kashmir situation…”.
Both options avoided mention of part two of the resolution on the withdrawal of Pakistani forces. Khan added that Pakistan regretted “to note that the Commission has not adopted the first alternative”. Pakistan’s preference for the first alternative meant that it was willing to sacrifice a plebiscite as long as it could avoid vacating the territory illegally occupied by it.
In May 1950, UN mediator Owen Dixon offered a regional plebiscite limited to the Valley. He felt that a single plebiscite across the entire state would leave pockets of minorities on either side of the divide, and lead to mass migration. In his report to the UN, he recorded that India was willing to consider it, but Pakistan refused it on the ground that this was a departure from the principle of the single plebiscite.
Dixon added, “In the course of the discussion, however, I ascertained that if the basis of the suggested settlement had been simple partition, Pakistan would consider the matter provided that she took the Kashmir Valley.” Thus, Pakistan was willing to compromise on the principle of a single plebiscite as long it got the Valley without a vote.
Within a fortnight of Sheikh Abdullah’s arrest on August 8, 1953, prime ministerial-level talks between India and Pakistan took place in Delhi on August 20. The joint communique issued after the Jawaharlal Nehru-Mohammad Ali Bogra talks included a provision for holding a plebiscite.
Alastair Lamb, in his book, Crisis in Kashmir, writes, “It is significant that Nehru despite the reluctance for a plebiscite was prepared for it, and the consequent partition of the State, even if it meant the loss of the Valley”. However, “On 1 December 1953, Mohammad Ali rejected the regional plebiscite”. Bogra cited the same reason for rejecting the plebiscite which Pakistan invoked in 1950 — even though it was clear that Pakistan would easily sacrifice the principle in return for territory. The rejection came months before Nehru finally closed the chapter in 1954.
Why did Pakistan repeatedly reject a plebiscite? In April 1950, Pakistan’s government sacked Sardar Ibrahim Khan, Pakistan-Occupied-Kashmir (POK)’s first president. This triggered the Sudhan revolt by his tribesmen. Yusuf Saraf, the chief justice of POK’s Supreme Judicial Court, has written, “By the beginning of 1951, there was practically no government in large areas of Poonch”. The Pakistani army had to resort to military operations to quell the rebellion.
In 1955, the Muslim Conference submitted a memorandum to Pakistan’s National Assembly (NA), complaining about martial law and “ruthless and random firing by mortar guns”. It mentioned mass arrests, detention and rape of women by security forces. Pakistan could hardly afford a plebiscite under the circumstances.
President Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, in his speech on the debate on the Shimla Agreement in the assembly on July 14, 1972, stated that UN Security Council resolutions asked Pakistan to withdraw all its troops, while India was asked to withdraw only the “bulk” of its forces. He added, “That was the day, that was the moment when you jeopardised the right of self-determination in Jammu and Kashmir.” In an interview in 1994, his daughter, Benazir Bhutto, as Pakistan’s prime minister, rejected the “independence” option. This option is constitutionally banned in POK.
Pakistan’s preference in successive wars has been the use of force, not a plebiscite. When discussions on a plebiscite took place with Owen Dixon in 1950 and bilaterally with India in 1953, Pakistan did not disclose that it had already changed the territorial status quo of POK without a plebiscite in April 1949. It brought the Northern Areas, since renamed as Gilgit-Baltistan, under its direct administration pursuant to the secret Karachi Agreement. The Northern Areas account for 85% of POK. It would do so again in 1963 when it ceded 5,000 square km of territory to China. After the 13th amendment of POK’s constitution in 2018, it assumed direct legislative and executive authority over 22 subjects within POK. The plebiscite is no longer relevant and Pakistan’s game is up.
Indian Defense
INS Arihant’s Nuke-Capable K-4 Submarine-Launched Ballistic Missile ‘Ready To Roll’
The solid-fuelled K-4 missile is being developed by DRDO to arm the country’s nuclear-powered submarines in the shape of INS Arihant and its under-development sister vessels. INS Arihant, which became fully operational in November 2018 to complete India’s nuclear triad, is currently armed with the much shorter K-15 missiles with a 750 km range.
“The K-4 is now virtually ready for its serial production to kick-off. The two tests have demonstrated its capability to emerge straight from underwater and undertake its parabolic trajectory,” said a source.
India has the land-based Agni missiles, with the over 5,000-km Agni-V inter-continental ballistic missile now in the process of being inducted, and fighter jets jury-rigged to deliver nuclear weapons. But INS Arihant gives the country’s deterrence posture much more credibility because nuclear-powered submarines armed with nuclear-tipped missiles are considered the most secure, survivable and potent platforms for retaliatory strikes.
Once the K-4 missiles are inducted, they will help India narrow the gap with countries like the US, Russia and China, which have over 5,000-km range SLBMs. The K-4 missiles are to be followed by the K-5 and K-6 missiles in the 5,000-6,000 km range class.
The 6,000-ton INS Arihant, which is propelled by an 83 MW pressurised light-water reactor at its core, in turn, is to be followed by INS Arighat, which was launched in 2017. The next generation of nuclear submarines, currently called S-4 and S-4*, will be much larger in size.
Indian Defense
After Upgradation, Sukhoi Su-30MKI Indigenisation To Reach 78%
India has received clearance to upgrade 84 Sukhoi Su-30MKI fighter jets, which will result in 78% indigenization after the upgrade
In a significant step towards bolstering its military might with indigenously developed technology, India is poised to witness its Russian-origin Sukhoi Su-30MKI fighter jets evolve into a domestic platform. Speaking at a recent lecture.
The upgrade program is being led by Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) in partnership with the Indian Air Force and other partners. The upgrade is expected to cost US$7.5 billion.
This initiative is a part of a larger effort by the Indian Air Force to modernize its ageing fleet. Air Chief Marshal Chaudhari asserted the critical role of an offensive air force as demonstrated in current global conflicts and emphasized India’s move towards an indigenized arsenal. To this end, the IAF has been proactive, from upgrading its Mirage 2000 to enhancing its MiG-29 fleet.
In summary, the IAF’s commitment to updating their combat forces with the latest technology, including shifting to fifth-generation fighter jets, ensures operational preparedness and a strong deterrence capability. The gradual indigenization of its air fleet marks a pivotal shift in India’s defence landscape, reducing dependency on foreign imports and fostering technological sovereignty.
Indian Defense
Akash Weapon System Exports For The Armenian Armed Forces Gathers Pace
According to unconfirmed reports, Armenia is a top contender for an export order for Akash SAM system manufactured by Bharat Dynamics Limited (BDL).
The Akash export version will also be slightly different from the one inducted by the armed forces. The 100-km range air-to-air Astra missiles, now entering production after successful trials from Sukhoi-30MKI fighters, also have “good export potential”, said sources.
Akash is a “tried, tested and successfully inducted systems”. Indian armed forces have ordered Akash systems worth Rs 24,000 crore over the years, and MoD inked a contract in Mar 2023 of over Rs 9,100 crores for improved Akash Weapon System
BDL is a government enterprise under the Ministry of Defence that was established in 1970. BDL manufactures surface-to-air missiles and delivers them to the Indian Army. BDL also offers its products for export.
Akash Weapon System
The AWS is a Short Range Surface to Air Missile (SRSAM) Air Defence System, indigenously designed and developed by Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO). In order to meet aerial threats, two additional Regiments of AWS with Upgradation are being procured for Indian Army for the Northern borders. Improved AWS has Seeker Technology, Reduced Foot Print, 360° Engagement Capability and improved environmental parameters.
The project will give a boost to the Indian missile manufacturing industry in particular and the indigenous defence manufacturing ecosystem as a whole. The project has overall indigenous content of 82% which will be increased to 93% by 2026-27.
The induction of the improved AWS into the Indian Army will increase India’s self-reliance in Short Range Missile capability. This project will play a role in boosting the overall economy by avoiding outgo of precious foreign exchange to other countries, increasing employment avenues in India and encouraging Indian MSMEs through components manufacturing. Around 60% of the project cost will be awarded to the private industry, including MSMEs, in maintaining the supply chain of the weapon system, thereby creating large scale of direct and indirect employment.
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