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Sderot families fleeing Hamas find pop-up school at Jerusalem hotel
On an unseasonably warm November day in Jerusalem, the lobby of the Leonardo Hotel in Jerusalem is buzzing with activity. Children are racing through the large open area, mothers are pushing babies in strollers, and many of the chairs in the lobby are occupied by hotel guests. In a typical year, most hotels in Israel are relatively quiet in November. High Holy Day visitors have returned home, colleges and schools in the United States are in session, and the rainy season is about to begin.
But this is anything but a typical year.
In the wake of the Hamas terror attacks and rockets in the South of Israel and Hezbollah shelling of the North, some 200,000 Israelis have been displaced. The evacuees have been placed in hotels throughout the country at the government’s expense in Eilat, Jerusalem, Tel Aviv, and the Dead Sea.
The hotel guests at the Leonardo Jerusalem are from Sderot and the moshav of Yakhini, located 42 km. to the south of Sderot, in addition to several families recently arrived from Kiryat Shmona in the North. These families are being accommodated in the hotel until the war ends and the IDF determines that it is safe for them to return to their homes.Opening a school for those fleeing Hamas
For the people who had to hastily pack their belongings and leave, how their children would spend their days in the hotel was not uppermost in their minds. However, those were the very thoughts of Tzahi Lev-Ran, dean of Student Placement and Fieldwork at Herzog College for Teacher Training in Israel.
Lev-Ran, who has extensive educational experience, spent 10 years teaching high school, nine years as a high school principal in Beit Shemesh, and serves as an instructor of principals at the Israeli Institute for School Leadership.
The families from Sderot arrived at the Leonardo Hotel on Wednesday, October 11, four days after the war started. On Sunday, October 15, Lev-Ran approached the leadership of Herzog College, one of the country’s leading institutions in teacher training and pedagogical innovation, with the suggestion of creating a school for the Sderot children at the Leonardo Hotel. The institution agreed, and with the encouragement of the Sderot municipality and the Education Ministry, Lev-Ran embarked on his ambitious plan.
Starting any school is a daunting task, and creating a school in a hotel in less than 24 hours seems impossible. Lev-Ran enlisted the assistance of Limor Riskin, director of international projects at Herzog College and director of pedagogy and global initiatives at UnitEd (an organization that develops and empowers Jewish educators in teacher training and preparation of pedagogical materials), together with Noga Shukrun Gal of the Amit Educational Network.
The Leonardo had rooms available on one of its lower levels that could be used as classrooms, and Lev-Ran arranged for several students from Herzog College to serve as teachers on a voluntary basis. He succeeded in finding additional volunteer teachers from among teens in the Gonenim branch of Bnei Akiva who had completed 12th grade and had put their post-high school study plans on hold.
On Monday morning, October 16, the trio of Riskin, Lev-Ran, and Shukrun Gal opened the school, dubbed the Sderot Leonardo School, for 50 children, accompanied by their parents.
Early on, says Riskin, the school was inundated with volunteers.
“It was more like a community center (matnas) than a school,” she says, adding that it was primarily providing relief to the parents who needed babysitting more than an actual educational program.
“After two weeks, we said, ‘That’s it.’ We started talking to the volunteers, and they said we needed to start a real educational program.”
When the school began three weeks ago, it started with kindergarten and went through eighth grade. Most of the middle school students were transferred to local schools in Jerusalem; today, the school numbers 90 students in grades one through six, plus 30 children in the nursery. Riskin is in charge of the staff at the school, is part of its management team, and fills in when the heads of the school are not available.
In addition to Lev-Ran and Riskin, two other Herzog College staffers, Shira Rafaeli and Orit Lasser, are working at the school. Rafaeli heads teacher training and coordination at Herzog College and the hotel school, and Lasser is in charge of pedagogy support at Herzog and the school.
ON THE day of my visit to the Leonardo, I meet with the energetic Riskin and several of the teachers in the school, who explain what the school is and how it works.
We take the elevator from the hotel lobby down to minus-2, and as the door opens we see a group of students sitting cross-legged on the floor with their teachers, talking animatedly. Many of the students have been on a field trip to the Biblical Zoo earlier that day.
Outside the large room which is used as a synagogue, a printed schedule of times for prayer services is posted, with a note saying that three chapters of Psalms and a special prayer for the IDF soldiers will be recited at the conclusion of the daily services. Another sign outside another room proclaims: “Girls Grade 5-6.” A colorful poster with the words for the “Asher yatzar” blessing (that is recited after using the restroom) hangs outside the hotel bathroom near the school area. The makeshift school even includes a pinat morim, a small teachers’ corner with coffee and cake, for the staff.
In the rooms that we visit, children interact excitedly with teachers, and the kindergarten is akin to any other one that might see in Israel, notwithstanding the fact that it is being hosted in the hotel’s safe room.
Classes meet from 9:30 a.m. to 1 p.m., Sunday through Thursday, and the primary subjects taught are math, English, Jewish studies, arts, and sports. The school is operated as a state-run religious school (Mamad, which stands for mamlachti dati), with separate classes for boys and girls. Class sizes range from eight to 17 children per class. The adjacent Grand Court Hotel, explains Riskin, hosts a public school for the Sderot children.
She adds that the Sderot Municipality played a significant role in the establishment of the school and gave Lev-Ran permission to proceed with the project. “They are very involved in everything that has gone on,” she says.
Riskin and the team also received assistance in setting up the physical space from Motti and Hyndi Mendelowitz and their three daughters, a family of American olim (immigrants) living in the nearby Arzei HaBira neighborhood. They cleaned an area on the hotel’s lower level, stocked it with games and supplies for the children, and gave gifts from Fox to the volunteer teachers in appreciation of their efforts.
“It is very gratifying to be able to do something for the people of Sderot, who went through incredible trauma,” says Mendelowitz.
Riskin is particularly impressed with the dedication of the volunteer teaching staff.
One such volunteer is Liam Lewis, 19, of New Rochelle, New York, who came to Israel in August after finishing high school. Lewis was scheduled to begin his studies in mathematics at the Hebrew University after the holidays. When the beginning of classes was delayed because of the war, Lewis learned from his cousin (whom he was staying with in Jerusalem) about the school program at the Leonardo.
“Someone on one of the group chats said that they needed helpers at the hotel to set up the school,” he says. “We came to help set up, and we were more like counselors when it started. But as the days went on, real teachers came, and we got teaching materials, and the rooms became classrooms – not just circles of chairs.”
Lewis teaches English to boys in grades three to six and math to an eighth-grade student who stayed to study with him, although other older students have already transferred to schools in the city. Though he acknowledges that the students can be challenging to deal with at times, he enjoys teaching.
“They are happy to learn when you get them to settle down,” Lewis smiles.
HE ACKNOWLEDGES that the children from Sderot have difficulty dealing with what they encountered before leaving the city.
“Every few days while I am teaching, or if we are sitting,” he says, “what happened when they had to leave Sderot comes up. They talk about how they were in the safe rooms and heard noises and gunshots. When that happens, I just let them continue talking and pause whatever is happening, and they tell stories. That sometimes starts a whole chain of stories, and when that finishes we go back to teaching. What these kids have gone through is unimaginable. If talking about it is good for them, I let them continue. If it’s bad, I stop it. It depends on the situation.”
When asked what is most important about what he is teaching, Lewis recounts the goal espoused by Tzahi Lev-Ran, the principal. “The most important part of the school is not to teach them English or math. It is establishing a routine and getting them back into a groove. If we are babysitting them and they are just doing puzzles with them, they feel pity. But if it is a school and they don’t necessarily like it, and they are learning, they are in a learning environment, and it is back to normal.”
Esther Hen, 21, is studying special education and literature at Herzog and working as a volunteer teacher in the school. She serves as a homeroom teacher for girls in the first grade and as a substitute teacher, filling in to teach subjects when needed.
She echoes the words of Riskin and Lewis and mentions that at the beginning, during class the students frequently asked for their parents (who were upstairs in the hotel), and they couldn’t concentrate. “Slowly, these issues have lessened, and now they can listen in class,” she says.
She adds that the parents’ interest in what their children are learning has also increased in the several weeks that classes have been operating. They are much more interested in what their children are learning than they were at the outset.
What has Hen learned from her teaching experiences in this most unusual learning setting?
“The first week that I was here,” she smiles, “I said that everything that I had studied for my degree doesn’t compare to what I have learned here.”
The unusual circumstances of teaching students outside of their normal environment in challenging circumstances have taught her about the educational process.
“I have learned about education itself – not just how to teach but how to see children – what situation they are in and how to bring them to a situation such that they will want to learn. When they want to learn, everything interests them.”
Unlike Liam, Hen had to be careful in how she presented the retelling of the students’ experiences in Sderot.
“We wanted to go around the class in which everyone would say something about their experiences, but then we realized that many of the parents had not told their children that terrorists were in Sderot. They asked us not to tell them, but there were some children who knew what had happened from their parents.”
NETANEL LEV, who came to the school two weeks ago, like Riskin and Lev-Ran, represents the professional side of the educational experience at the school. Lev, 35, was the head of the Neriah school in Sderot; before going to Sderot, he served as an assistant principal of a large school in Ashkelon. Together with Lev-Ran, Riskin, and the rest of the staff, Lev admits that operating a school in a hotel is not easy.
“The main task,” he says, “is to remove the feeling that it is a hotel and change it to a school. It should look like a school, with classes, books, and teachers.” In recent weeks, the school has received donations of books and materials from the Center for Educational Technology, book publisher Bonus Yavneh, and the Education Ministry.
Lev says that the most important thing he has gleaned from the educational experiment of the Sderot Leonardo School is the remarkable flexibility and teamwork of the administration and staff.
“We all work together. It is amazing,” he says. “We took a collection of people, put them all in one place, and it worked.”
He adds that, in his view, the most significant skill gained by the students is resilience. Living in Sderot, he says, students would receive psychological help only after the event had concluded.
“Now, we are doing treatment in the midst of it, so when they return to their regular routine, they will be okay.”
Most traditional schools, says Lev, are run in a hierarchical manner, with instructions and guidance coming in a top-down format from the principal. “Here, in this case, it comes from the bottom and goes up.” The inner motivation possessed by the teachers permeates upwards to the administrators themselves, say Riskin and Lev.
Lev adds that the partnership that was formed by Herzog College to create and guide the Sderot Leonardo School can be a model for future cooperation between the world of academia and education.
“The pedagogical resources and the organization that academia provides can greatly promote education,” he says.
The Sderot Leonardo School, housed in the Leonardo Hotel, has been a most unlikely educational venue. Lev-Ran says the school is now in a transitional phase, pointing out that “it is not proper to have a school in a hotel for a long period of time.” The Sderot Municipality, the Education Ministry, and the staff feel that the best solution is to find a location outside the hotel that can serve as a proper school until the families can return to Sderot. He adds that the school would prefer to rely on professional teachers from Sderot who will work on a salaried basis to enable the students to keep pace with other students around the country.
Soon, it seems, the cacophony and controlled mayhem of over 100 children learning, playing, and racing through the Sderot Leonardo school will fade from memory.
But the remarkable efforts of a team of dedicated educators and plucky and enthusiastic volunteer teachers will live on, and perhaps inspire them to productive and creative careers in education. ❖
The United Nations called the situation in northern Gaza “desperate” on Monday, sparking renewed criticism of Israel a year after it launched a major offensive against Hamas.
The Israeli military issued evacuation orders for northern Gaza, citing intelligence that Hamas was regrouping. This followed an offensive on the Jabaliya refugee camp.
Residents were urged to relocate to humanitarian safe zones. However, reports suggest that many have not followed the orders, likely due to exhaustion from repeated displacement throughout the year-long war. The UN estimates nearly 2 million Palestinians have been displaced, many forced to move as the Israeli army withdraws and re-enters various parts of the territory.
Humanitarian aid to Gaza, largely controlled by Israel through its oversight of all entry points, has been a contentious issue within Israel since the war began in October last year, drawing international scrutiny and criticism.
Israeli media reports that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is considering “The General’s Plan,” proposed by retired army generals. The plan calls for halting humanitarian aid to northern Gaza to increase pressure on Hamas and secure the release of 101 Israeli hostages. It assumes that Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar has not relented under the yearlong military campaign and suggests that withholding aid might force the desired outcome. The plan also proposes indefinite Israeli military control of the area. Netanyahu has denied any intention to permanently control or resettle Gaza, which Israel evacuated in 2005.
“What we are seeing seems like either an attempt to implement the first part of the plan, or a trial run of it,” Michael Milstein, head of the Palestinian Studies Forum at the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies, told The Media Line. “But the Palestinian population is not cooperating, and it doesn’t seem to be working,” Milstein added. “It is unclear how such a plan will promote Israel’s goals. “The plan seeks to completely clear the area of civilians. Any who remain would be considered combatants by the Israeli army, allowing troops to engage them. The army has declined to comment on whether it is following this plan or acting under other orders.
“The Hamas terrorist organization uses the residents of Gaza as human shields and prevents them from obeying IDF calls to move to safe areas,” Lt. Col. Avichay Adraee, the Israel Defense Forces’ Arabic spokesperson, posted on X Monday, blaming Hamas for the lack of civilian cooperation.
Preventing Hamas from regrouping
The army’s latest move to reposition in Gaza is part of ongoing efforts to prevent Hamas from rebuilding. Following an intense ground operation early in the war, the IDF has significantly reduced its presence, with relatively few troops now stationed in Gaza. “This represents a moment of strategic embarrassment,” said Milstein. “Israel has been at an intersection for a long time without making a decision. The doctrine in which it believed it could topple Hamas without 24/7 occupation of Gaza is a failed one.”
With its forces engaged in a war against Hezbollah in Lebanon and possibly facing an imminent confrontation with Iran, the Israeli military is likely too stretched to maintain a larger presence in Gaza.
“This leaves no other option than to make a deal with Hamas, that would see an Israeli withdrawal from Gaza and the release of hostages,” said Milstein. The IDF controls several areas in Gaza, while leaving others under Hamas’ control. Israel forces are present at Gaza’s border with Egypt, the perimeter along the Gaza Strip, and in the northern part of the territory.
Hard-liners in the Israeli government are advocating for a full occupation of the Gaza Strip, while Israel faces mounting criticism over the humanitarian situation in the impoverished territory.
“The UN reports that no food has entered northern Gaza in nearly 2 weeks. Israel must urgently do more to facilitate the flow of aid to those in need. Civilians must be protected and must have access to food, water, and medicine. International humanitarian law must be respected,” US Vice President and Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris posted on X Monday.
The IDF Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories reported that 83 trucks carrying humanitarian aid and 12 gas and fuel tankers entered Gaza on Monday. The war between Hamas and Israel began after Hamas launched a large-scale attack on southern Israel. The assault, which shocked the nation, left 1,200 Israelis dead, thousands injured, and over 250 taken hostage. Since the war began, 154 hostages have been released, some of them deceased. The fate of the remaining hostages remains unclear, with dozens believed to be dead.
UNOCHA figures, based on reports from the Hamas-run Gaza Health Ministry, indicate that over 42,000 Palestinians have been killed since the war began. While Israel asserts that many of the casualties were armed combatants, international and Palestinian sources report a high civilian death toll. These figures have not been independently verified but have nonetheless led to criticism of Israel’s conduct in the war.
As the war rages, Israel continues to pound Gaza in the hopes of achieving the two main goals its government has set for the war— toppling Hamas and securing the release of hostages. A year into the conflict, international organizations have consistently warned that Gaza is on the brink of famine. Israel, however, denies any threat to food security, insisting that it maintains a steady flow of humanitarian aid into the territory. Some Israelis have advocated using humanitarian aid as leverage to pressure Hamas, which currently controls its distribution, thereby maintaining its grip on Gaza. Several Israeli officials have suggested that prominent Gaza families or clans could govern the territory instead of Hamas. However, the Israeli government has ruled out reinstalling the Palestinian Authority (PA) as a replacement, citing its support for terrorism and its failure to condemn the October 7 attack on Israel.
“If Palestinians had to choose between Hamas or Gazan clans to rule Gaza, they would choose Hamas,” Mkhaimar Abusada, chairman of the Department of Political Science at Al-Azhar University in Gaza and visiting scholar at Northwestern University, told The Media Line. “If Israel would allow the PA to run Gaza again, the goal of marginalizing Hamas will be easier. One must keep in mind that the PA would not step foot in Gaza without Hamas’ approval.”
“The Israeli army, which has killed over 42,000 Palestinians, is not trusted by Gazans to distribute aid,” Abusada added. “The overwhelming majority of them look at the Israeli army as murderers and they will not accept food from them.” However, if left with no other option, Gazans may be forced to accept aid from the Israeli army.
“There is no competition for Hamas in Gaza,” said Milstein. “They continue to control the area, through civilian governance. They survived Israel’s massive offensive and are still the dominant force in Gaza, they survived by being like chameleons successfully changing constantly. Without a full occupation, this will not disappear despite Israel trying to make it so.”
Hamas ousted the PA from Gaza in 2007. Violent images of Hamas fighters throwing PA employees from rooftops in Gaza City highlighted the deep animosity between the two rival Palestinian factions. Years of reconciliation efforts have failed, despite repeated claims to the contrary. However, recent negotiations in Cairo have reportedly brought the two sides closer to an agreement on postwar Gaza.
“Hamas has accepted in principle to allow the PA to run the Gaza Strip, they have still now agreed that Hamas is more open to this scenario,” Abusada said.
The likelihood of this scenario remains slim, due to a complex set of circumstances that have significantly weakened the PA over the past decade. With Hamas still in power in Gaza and the Israeli military stretched too thin to remove them, humanitarian aid remains at the heart of the conflict. With no signs of a ceasefire on the horizon, civilians will continue to pay the price.
Michael Bar Zohar, at 86 one of Israel’s great and most prolific historians, especially regarding security issues, published a book called “Iron Swords, Bleeding Hearts” less than a month ago on the failures leading up to October 7 and the current war.
The book closes just as Hezbollah is considering its response to the IDF’s killing of its military chief Fuad Shukr on July 30, which turned out to be the August 25 IDF rout of Hezbollah’s attempted retaliation, which itself in turn pushed Israel into having the audacity to decapitate Hezbollah starting in mid-September.
Bar Zohar uses essentially all open sources on the most current events, but has a priceless number of anecdotes and unique perspectives from his exclusive coverage of Israeli titans like David Ben Gurion, Shimon Peres, and others as he leads into how Israel and the Middle East got to where they are now.
But the most important aspects of Bar Zohar’s book are forward-looking: How must Israel, and the West for that matter, understand the challenge of fundamentalist Islamist groups like Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, and Iran?With the anniversary of Hamas’s October 7 invasion passing this past week and the invasion of Lebanon moving forward at full throttle, the most practical lessons from Bar Zohar probably have to do with connecting those two events in terms of understanding how the current war in Lebanon must end.
Extrapolating from Bar Zohar’s narrative, predictions, and views, the war in Lebanon must end with Israeli security being dependent on Jerusalem and its allies being able to enforce its security and not merely on hopes of “converting” Hezbollah into accepting Israel and joining the Western world.
Bar Zohar writes, “I began writing this book on October 8, 2023, after a sleepless night. I had turned off my TV set after watching, on a foreign channel, the horror in the settlements at the Gaza border, and, for a change, the boisterous street protests in favor of Hamas in foreign capitals.”
“I knew that this crucial chapter of history would be distorted and falsified by lies and fake news, as well as emotions, blind fanaticism, insane hatred of some and foolish adoration of others. I felt that my duty was to tell the truth about these apocalyptic events that shook the world. But to tell the truth now, today, not in a year or two or five. Now.” he continues.
Here, Bar Zohar was cognizant that October 7 was not just about killing 1,200 Israelis, taking 250 hostages, and the failures that led to this – but how this event and Israel’s response would reshape the Middle East afterward.
Failures that lead to October 7
Aside from a harrowing account of the numerous political, intelligence, and operational failures leading into October 7 which are meticulously laid out in the first 16 chapters, there are some later chapters which paint some of the broader trends which have developed since November 2023 and still confront Israel now.
His coverage of Israel’s first major assassination in Lebanon on January 2, 2024 – of Hamas deputy chief Salah al-Arouri – is indicative.
Recounting the event, he says, “Sheik Nasrallah, the head of Hezbollah, took Al Arouri’s assassination very seriously. Only a few days before, he had met with Arouri and advised him to beware, as the Israelis targeted him. For Nasrallah, the location of the hit was symbolic. During the Second Lebanon War, Israeli warplanes had pulverized the Dahia neighborhood, where the headquarters of Hezbollah were located.”
With a bit of unforeseeable irony and almost prophetic foreshadowing for how Nasrallah eventually met his end from an IDF air strike in Dahia on September 27, Bar Zohar continues. “Nasrallah himself had to run for shelter to an underground bunker in Dahia. After the war ended [referring to the 2006 Second Lebanon War], he stayed in his bunker for years, avoiding any public appearances. Even his speeches were broadcast from the bunker. He thought he was safe in Dahia – and here [after Al Arouri was killed], all of a sudden, he found out that Israel could readily come and go as it pleased. If Arouri was not safe there, neither was Nasrallah. The assassination also proved that Israel had very reliable spies in Beirut.”
Bar Zohar recounts how Nasrallah was taken by surprise when the IDF killed Al Arouri as well as a few days later when the IDF killed Wissam Al Tawil, the deputy commander of the elite Radwan unit, with Al Tawil also being the brother of Nasrallah’s third wife, Hadda Al Tawil.
Nasrallah struck back at some IDF bases in the North, but without causing significant damage and in a relatively weak way, with Bar Zohar commenting, “These Hezbollah attacks were very close to acts of war, but did not cross the blurred line between a border conflict and a war…But once again the upshot failed to meet expectations,” for what Hamas had hoped for from Hezbollah in helping them fight Israel.
The bottom line is that, as indicated by these earlier rounds, once Israel switched gears into hitting Nasrallah much more complicated, he was not ready for the IDF’s fury and was taken by surprise – much as he had been by Hamas’s invasion on October 7.
Next, Bar Zohar briefly explores in one of his last chapters the implications of the Iranian attack, the Israeli counterattack, and the help Israel received from Sunni allies to defend itself in April.
He observes, “And yet, the most important result of these tumultuous days was the baptism of fire of the new American-Arab-Israeli coalition that augured a new era in the Middle East. A new era is indeed beginning, bringing tremendous changes to the lives of millions and carrying a faint glimmer of peace. The new coalition, strengthened by new Israeli leaders, may augur the creation of a new Middle East.”
“The coalition that defeated the Iranian juggernaut in the sky may transform into a solid alliance that could reshape the entire region, establish a new administration in Gaza, and bring moderation to these embattled lands. This is the dream for the future,” he continues.
But by the end of the book, Bar Zohar notes that the killing of Shukr, as well as the killing of Hamas political chief Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran, were “the start of a new stage in the war, with the focus moving from the Gaza strip to the North. That seemed to be the fading away of the Iron Swords and the beginning of a new confrontation between Israel, America, and their allies – and the ‘Axis of Evil’ in the north.
In terms of how the conflict with Hezbollah in Lebanon and Iran should end, he warns that military force will be continually needed alongside any diplomatic efforts and cautions not to leave too much based on “deals” with such parties.
“One can reason with extremists as long as they understand logic and have a modicum of common sense. Israel could negotiate with the Palestinian leader, Yasser Arafat, and his supporters, as their movement, Fatah, was a nationalist, not a religious one. But when the rival’s ideology is based on religion – no reasonable arguments can influence it,” writes Bar Zohar.
Although Bar Zohar was formerly a Labor party member and Arafat was far from an ideal peace partner, his book’s conclusion is clear that any final security situation with Hezbollah and Iran must be enforceable by the Israeli military.
A diplomatic deal may end the conflict as all conflicts end, but after seeing how Hezbollah abused UN Resolution 1701 for 17 years, Bar Zohar clearly feels that resolving the current conflict with Hezbollah cannot rest merely on an, even strengthened, international peacekeeping force hopefully doing its job.
He finishes with a dark prediction that “The Israel-Hamas confrontation is the first battle of a new World War, a war between the modern world and the ferocious fanatics of radical Islam. A new kind of war. Not the wars to which the world has grown accustomed, fought with armies, tanks, planes, and infantry firing and charging and shouting Hurray – but a war against enemies who aim to destroy the free world from within.”
Special forces killed four terrorists in a vehicle during an operation in Nablus in the West Bank, army radio reported on X/Twitter Wednesday evening.
They were seen armed moments before they were killed, footage published by army radio showed.
A source told Kan that the terrorists killed in Nablus were a squad of terrorists from the Balata Camp that were preparing to carry out an attack against Israelis.4 מחבלים חוסלו ברכב במהלך פעולה של כוחות מיוחדים בשכם, כך הם תועדו רגע לפני שנהרגו pic.twitter.com/mFUGTHFqYg
— הוד בראל Hod Barel (@hod_barel) October 9, 2024
Riots in Nablus
Riots broke out on Wednesday afternoon, during which the IDF killed four terrorists following intelligence provided by the Shin Bet (Israel Security Agency), Maariv reported.
Commander of the Balata Battalion of the Al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigade (which is aligned with Fatah) Issam a-Salaj was allegedly eliminated in the operation, Walla noted.
This is a developing story.
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