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A commentary on the moral inequalities of Israel and Hamas
The ongoing Israel-Hamas war has captured the attention of the entire world, evoking a myriad of emotions. The recent humanitarian truce has brought relief as families, including babies, children, and elderly Israelis, are finally reuniting after enduring nearly two months of captivity at the hands of Hamas.
Each night, Israelis are glued to their television screens, witnessing the return of hostages in a global media event broadcasted by Arab and international networks. The anticipation is palpable as people watch with bated breath, hoping to see innocent Israelis emerge from the clutches of their Hamas captors.
However, labeling the truce as a mere “hostage exchange” oversimplifies the complexity of the situation. Hamas has reluctantly released abducted children, babies, sick, and elderly individuals who suffered in underground terror tunnels in Gaza without adequate medical treatment. In contrast, Israel not only agreed to release convicted murderers and terrorists held in its prisons but also accepted a conspicuously unequal exchange, releasing three terrorists for each innocent Israeli.
Despite the significant concessions made by Israel, the nation’s moral stance remains resolute. The safe return of its citizens takes precedence, even at the high cost of halting military operations and releasing Palestinian terrorists. This underscores the unwavering commitment to prioritizing the well-being of its people over other considerations.The Sanctity of Life vs. The Glorification of Death
The most glaring difference between Israel and Hamas can be viewed in the fundamental belief in the sanctity of life and the glorification of death. The intrinsic value that the Jewish people place on life has come with a high cost, as evident through the hostage negotiations that have taken place throughout the humanitarian truce that began last Friday. While this has been a matter of significant public and political discourse, and even when faced with such a difficult strategic decision, Israeli leadership has demonstrated its adherence to the Jewish value of the sanctity of life.
As part of the negotiations, Israel has released Palestinian prisoners and detainees, in exchange for over 70 Israeli hostages innocent civilians ranging from children to the elderly, some suffering from cancer and other illnesses, without their glasses or medication. There is no moral equivalency between a baby taken from her cradle and kept underground and a convicted terrorist who will most certainly continue to spread violence against Israeli civilians.
Hamas and their followers continue to praise the actions of violence and terror at the hands of their returned prisoners, while Israeli hostages are babies, grandparents, and young people who did nothing else other than go to a party to celebrate life.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the Israeli War Cabinet ultimately decided that there was no question that the return of Israeli hostages was one of the top priorities, alongside the total elimination of Hamas, despite the significant strategic blow to Israel’s military campaign, and against pressure from Netanyahu’s far-right bloc to hold out for a better deal as military operations would have significantly continued to weaken Hamas strongholds. This deal also enabled the supply of vast humanitarian aid into the Gaza Strip for Palestinian civilians who are being abused by the oppressive regime that rules over them. But unfortunately, Hamas will use this ceasefire and the humanitarian aid provided by Israel and the international community to their ends.
The negative outcomes of temporary ceasefires with Hamas and the misuse and reappropriation of humanitarian aid have been proven time and time again. We have seen this in Operation Protective Edge and Pillar of Defense, as Hamas has used the cover of the ceasefire as a means to regroup, import more weapons, and steal humanitarian supplies for their terror tunnels. Hamas will most certainly take oil, medical supplies, and food to their base of operations as a means to outlast the impending resurgence of Israel’s military operation, embedding themselves within the maze of underground tunnels beneath the civilian population. Israel has sacrificed its military advantage by extending a period, halting any intelligence and surveillance, losing more international support, and allowing Hamas significantly valuable time to regroup, rearm, and embed themselves within the civilian population that they are using as human shields.
The IDF is the strongest military power in the region, with undeniable defense and intelligence capabilities. Even with a temporary ceasefire hauling its operation, the Israeli army has the capacity and know-how needed to annihilate Hamas and kill every last terrorist commander, until the threat of the brutal regime is eliminated at its roots. Israel’s strength also stems from its unity and unwavering national spirit. This is most evident in the statement of the families of those who were not released. While their pain will continue to intensify as the weeks continue with the void left by their loved ones still in captivity, they share in the joy of the children and grandmothers returning to their families.
There is still a level of envy for the hostages who have been released, but they know that Israel continues to push hard to secure their freedom. It is this collective unity, the overwhelming feeling that each hostage is part of our own family, which Jewish people share and the understanding of the immeasurable challenge that Israel is facing that will continue to be a source of strength as the war continues.
The Theater of the Absurd
The release of the Israeli hostages has generated a wave of emotion that has swept over the entire country, highlighting the collective and conflicting duality of pain and elation, as children are seen running to their parents and loved ones. Like every other Israeli, I feel that each child is like my own, and while we are overjoyed to see the release of these children, our hearts continue to ache for the horrifying trauma they endured, which is starting to come to light as more are sharing their experiences as captives of Hamas in the underground tunnels of terror. 12-year-old Eitan Yahalomi, who was released this week, was forced to watch the videos of the October 7th massacre over and over, held at gunpoint every time he would cry. While Eitan’s family shares their joy with the rest of Israel, Eitan’s father, Ohan, continues to be held separately in Gaza, and their family remains fractured.
I look at the surreal video of Sharon Aloni Cunio and another unidentified female hostage in matching bright pink jumpsuits, each holding one of Sharon’s twin toddlers, Yuli and Emma, as the group slowly makes their way to safety through a line of Hamas Nukhba fighters, armed and in full uniform, their faces covered with a black mask with the notorious green band tied around their head. Their father David is still being held captive in Gaza. This image of three-year-old twins being carried out of captivity, surrounded by Hamas’ evil special forces, breaks the humanitarian mold that the terrorist regime attempted to stage.
Throughout the rounds of releases, the outward attempts by Hamas to portray an exaggerated concern for these hostages, holding the hands of elderly women and waving at young children, is a production of the theater of the absurd, a thinly veiled attempt to show their world their false sense of humanity. But what kind of humans continue to separate a father from his children, who have been held in deplorable conditions, sleeping on plastic chairs and eating little to nothing for days on end? The failed attempt to show their empathy for the well-being of their hostages, while carrying M16 rifles in a neutral zone is so pitiful that it is almost comedic. These same terrorists who abducted screaming children from their homes and slaughtered their family and friends in one day beheaded babies and kept old and sick grandmothers trapped like animals deep underground, now trying to show the world that they care make a mockery of human rights organizations and media alike who fall into the trap of the theatrical performance they have put on. The bright lights and exaggerated gestures, forcing Israeli children to smile weakly and wave under duress and fear of what will happen to their loved ones who remain a hostage of Hamas, is almost like a Hollywood production, only instead of California, they are at the Rafah Crossing.
But just like Hollywood, this performance is nothing more than an overly lit stage and bad acting. Hamas is spreading fake news, hugging hostages like they took care of them, but the truth is so evident. No level of acting can mask the horrors that took place on October 7th and no level of supposed compassion can overcome the true face of evil- it only underscores the extent of Hamas’s psychopathy and the disillusionment of a world that seems to humanize their actions.
Still, we need to celebrate the return of each life, especially the women, children, and elderly, whose prolonged abduction has been the most heartbreaking for every Israeli.
The safe return of our people makes me feel proud to live in this country, a country that will always choose life over death, no matter the cost – a clear contrast to the values of Hamas, who are praising the release of convicted terrorists like Israa Jaabis, who detonated a car bomb near the Israeli town of Ma’ale Adumim, seriously injuring an Israeli police officer. Marah Bechir was just 16 when she stabbed a policeman and Ragah Abu Kias, also 16, opened fire on a group of Israeli civilians in 2021. Each has returned to their homes in east Jerusalem, where Jewish neighbors will live in continued fear of future terrorist activities as they continue to rally behind violent Hamas’s poisonous ideology. These three terrorists were exchanged for 9-year-old Emily Hand, who was violently abducted by Hamas while attending a sleepover with one of her best friends in Kibbutz Be’eri on October 7th.
But this is not a victory. Even after all of the hostages are returned, Israel will never be able to celebrate after the tragic loss of life that has taken place. There is a clear objective, and Israel cannot allow Hamas to remain in control of Gaza. Despite the military intelligence failure that led to the October 7th massacre, Israel remains one of the strongest military and strategic powers in the world. We can wipe out Hamas, but we are affording more time for a ceasefire to save as many lives as possible. Hamas will utilize the resource of time to rely on the relevant actors, such as Qatar and the United States, to put pressure on Israel to find a diplomatic solution. Arab and European leadership, as well as the vocal protests around the world, are being utilized as a form of psychological warfare against Israel, relying on the influence of external powers to supplement Hamas’ military disadvantage. Hamas wants the world to force Israel into a diplomatic solution, which will also allow them to further poison Palestinian society in an attempt to upend any hope of peace and prosperity in the Middle East.
The coming weeks will be the most trying of the entire war, as IDF soldiers will be forced to resume their military operations with a significant disadvantage, but renewed fervor to stop at nothing until each of the remaining hostages is safely reunited with their families and the threat of the Hamas terrorist regime will be forever eradicated.
world news
Why everyone wants Mossad on their side in Philadelphi Corridor debate – analysis
Everyone wants the Mossad on their side when it comes to the debate over the Philadelphi Corridor.
The Jerusalem Post has reported multiple times since May that the unchanging position of the Mossad is that Israel can and should withdraw from the corridor if that would bring back between 18-30 hostages and provided Phase 1 of the hostage deal with Hamas would allow the IDF to return to attacking Hamas in the corridor after around 45 days.
The Post and other outlets have also reported that Defense Minister Yoav Gallant and the IDF high command favor a deal under such terms, including temporarily withdrawing from the corridor to get some of the hostages back.
Yet on Sunday, an anonymous source who was present during the most recent diplomatic-security cabinet meeting leaked to the media that Mossad Director David Barnea supported Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s position not to withdraw from the corridor.In fact, the anonymous source went even further saying that Barnea did not think Netanyahu should move toward Hamas on the issue “even one millimeter.”
Although… actually, that is not what the anonymous source said if the leaked statement is looked at carefully. Rather, it made a messy and hazy statement about Barnea supporting the Israeli position on the corridor to the extent that it would be acceptable to the US.Anyone who has followed the US position knows that it wishes Israel had stopped the war in December-January and for sure by May, and has tried everything it could to pressure Netanyahu to withdraw from the corridor.
Now, once the US said it could not get Netanyahu to completely withdraw from the corridor, it started to explore if it could get Hamas and Egypt to agree to a small Israeli presence in portions of the corridor, while otherwise generally withdrawing. That is not the same thing as thinking that Netanyahu’s stance on the corridor is the right move.The Mossad is in a somewhat similar position.
Mossad’s current position
There are some points where the Mossad’s position is tougher than the US position, but generally, since May, Barnea has been closer to the US, IDF, and Gallant’s view that it is time to cut a deal, even temporarily sacrificing control of the corridor, than he has been to Netanyahu’s staunch opposition to concessions in that area.
Also, usually, when the Mossad puts something out backing Netanyahu in negotiations, it is in its own name, not in the name of some anonymous cabinet official.The absence of a direct statement of support for Netanyahu from the Mossad itself is deafening.
So why is someone (from Netanyahu’s side) trying to pretend that the Mossad stands with the prime minister on this? Bodies of six hostages, who had been alive until last week, were just recovered.Netanyahu is under the greatest domestic pressure in Israel to compromise that he has been under possibly since the start of the war.
As he explains his position to the public, if he can claim that the defense establishment is split – IDF versus the Mossad – then he does not stand alone. His position looks principled and part of a serious strategy instead of about politics. Likewise, Gallant and the IDF want the Mossad on their side so they can present a united professionals’ front versus a political front. The truth is even without the Mossad, there is some principled opposition to cutting a deal if the question is saving the most Jewish lives on a long-term basis by ensuring Hamas is destroyed. But this also requires saying out loud that Netanyahu would be willing to let hostages die as a price to achieve that goal – because that is what happened this past week. Netanyahu is not ready to do this, so instead he would prefer if the battle can be about who supports who and a divide within the defense establishment.However, the more hostages die, there also becomes less incentive for a deal to save the shrinking total number of them still alive.
Whatever the Mossad’s view is, there is no question at this point that Netanyahu is the decider about the question of saving hostages versus keeping the corridor.
world news
FIFA delay again review of Palestinian call to suspend Israel
World soccer’s governing body FIFA has delayed again its decision on a Palestinian bid to have Israel suspended from international soccer over the war in Gaza.
FIFA said late on Friday it would now consider the Palestine Football Association’s (PFA) proposals against the Israel Football Association (IFA) in October.
The PFA had submitted a proposal to suspend Israel in May, with FIFA ordering an urgent legal evaluation and promising to address it at an extraordinary meeting of its council in July.
FIFA said last month the legal assessment would now be shared with its council by Aug. 31.The Zurich-based body said it had now moved the assessment back to October.
“FIFA has received the independent legal assessment of the Palestine Football Association’s proposals against Israel,” FIFA said.
“This assessment will be sent to the FIFA Council to review in order that the subject can be discussed at its next meeting which will take place in October.”
FIFA declined to give further details of the assessment, or when in October the meeting would take place.
The PFA did not respond to requests for comment.
Accusations against the IFA
The Palestinian proposal accuses the IFA of complicity in violations of international law by the Israeli government, discrimination against Arab players, and inclusion in its league of clubs located in Palestinian territory.
The IFA has rejected the allegations.
The PFA has said at least 92 Palestinian players have been killed in the war, football infrastructure has been destroyed, its leagues suspended and its national team required to play World Cup qualifiers abroad.
In its proposal, the PFA wanted FIFA to adopt “appropriate sanctions” against Israeli teams, including the national side and clubs.
world news
Why is the IDF catching Jewish terrorists less than Palestinian ones? – analysis
The IDF is doing a better job at catching Palestinian terrorists than Jewish ones.
Anecdotal evidence and statistical evidence both bear this out.
As of August 2024, there were 9,881 Palestinian security inmates being held by Israel.
3,432 Palestinians were being held in administrative detention along with 1,584 Palestinian “unlawful combatants,” 2,074 sentenced prisoners, and 2,791 pre-indictment or pre-conviction detainees.We also know that in the West Bank alone, close to 5,000 Palestinians have been detained over the course of the war.
Sometimes Palestinian terrorists are not immediately caught after an attack, but quite often they are, and it is very rare that they are not caught or killed within a period of weeks or months.
Yet, in multiple February 2023 incidents of Jewish terrorists attacking Palestinians in Huwara, we know that out of hundreds of Jewish attackers, less than 10 were arrested, and an even smaller number seem to be getting prosecuted.
So far out of over 100 Jewish terrorists who attacked the Palestinian village of Jit in mid-August, only four have been detained.
These trends are not new.
Outgoing IDF Central Commander for the West Bank, Maj. Gen, Yedhua Fuchs, said this in his final speech on July 8, current Shin Bet Chief Ronen Bar recently accused officials like National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir of sometimes indirectly and sometimes almost explicitly encouraging the phenomenon, and former Shin Bet and IDF Central Commanders have been sounding somewhat similar warnings on and off certainly since 2014.
The IDF and Shin Bet have also accused Ben Gvir of discouraging the police from reining in Jewish violence, whether in the West Bank or against humanitarian aid trucks trying to get to Kerem Shalom to bring food to Gaza Palestinians earlier in the current war.
There has been extremist Jewish violence against Palestinians with significantly below expectations arrests for many years, even though that violence is still at a much lower volume than Palestinian violence.
The problem isn’t bringing caught perpetrators to justice, that has been happening many times since 2014, when Palestinians have been killed by a Jew or Jews.
Once caught, Israel has pushed hard to prosecute such persons.
On August 15, the Jerusalem Post reported exclusively that the 2019 indictment against a full-bodied minor (his identity is under gag order) for the alleged killing of Palestinian female and mother Aysha Rabi in October 2018 could be close to a verdict in later 2024 or early 2025.
This would not be the only such case of Jewish terrorists facing justice for violence against Palestinians, with the 2014 murderer of Palestinian minor Muhammad Abu Khadir, Yoseph Chaim Ben David, and the 2015 murderer of the Palestinian Dawabsheh family, Amiram Ben Uliel, both sentenced to life in jail in recent years.
Elor Ben Azariah, Ben Deri, and other IDF soldiers have also been given prison time for killing Palestinians.
But this does not address the fact that most Jewish terrorists are never caught in the first place.
So why does Israel catch Jewish terrorists less often than Palestinian ones?
Some of it is the constant passing the ball back and forth between the IDF and the Police, neither of who wants the politically unpopular job of reining in Jewish violence against Palestinians.
Anyone who does that job “well” in recent years comes under attack by Ben Gvir and others who seem to always be opposed to indicting or convicting Jews accused of attacking Palestinians.
Top IDF sources have made it clear to the Post that the military’s main role is to fight wars against other foreign militaries like Iran, Hezbollah, and Hamas, not to enforce law and order to block small-scale Jewish violence against Palestinians. They believe that the police should be handling Jewish violence in the West Bank, whereas the police, even before Ben Gvir, said they could not carry out large operations in Palestinian areas without the IDF taking the lead.
What has changed since Huwara in 2023 and now with Jit, is that the attacks by Jews on Palestinians are no longer solely small scale.
Now there is a pattern of large scale attacks even if the number of them is still small in relative terms.
During the Second Intifada, Israel decided that it could not view Palestinian terrorism from the West Bank as a mere “law enforcement” issue with very limited rules of engagement.
Rather, it was a terrorism issue, which meant more aggressive rules of engagement.
If a Palestinian throws a rock at an IDF vehicle and breaks the windshield and then flees, even if no one in the IDF vehicle was hurt and even though the Palestinian is running away, and as such no longer presents an immediate threat, IDF open fire rules allow shooting for the Palestinian’s legs to make sure he does not escape.
At Jit, despite over 100 Jews attacking Palestinians and the IDF soldiers “live being in danger” from the Jews as well, all they did was physically push the Jewish attackers out of the village and at most fire in the air.
Sources said that they failed to arrest any of the over 100 Jews because it was hard to catch the attackers running in all different directions at night.
But if the soldiers were allowed to shoot for the legs when trying to arrest Jews involved in large scale attacks, maybe they would have caught more of them. Maybe also fewer Jews would risk attacking Palestinians.
Confronted with this possible change to the open fire rules, both current and former IDF officials who handle such issues did not seem to view such a change as remotely likely.
Some said this question was very dependent on the unique circumstances on the ground, which only the commander seeing things in real time could decide. Others said that there was no principled reason why IDF soldiers could not open fire on the legs of fleeing Jewish attackers, but that this could only be employed if there was no less lethal way of arresting them.
Yet, these responses present the issue as if there is not already evidence that the IDF is doing an extremely poor job of catching such people.
4 out of 100 is a 4% success rate. Clearly, less lethal means are not working and whoever the commander on the ground has been has not acted aggressively enough. This was also the conclusion of the IDF probe issued on Wednesday of the Jit incident.
A much more honest read is that IDF soldiers shooting at Jews legs (even not trying to kill) to protect Palestinians would just be either too politically explosive or likely too many IDF soldiers would ignore the orders and fake some technical sounding reason why they could not fire (such as innocent people being mixed in with attackers.)
There might be creative alternatives. Firing some kind of tracer that cannot be removed or object which could sedate someone trying to flee.
A huge permanent contingent of soldiers guarding all crossover areas throughout the West Bank could succeed, but is also unrealistic in terms of resources.
In the meantime, it is not clear that the IDF has seriously contended with how it will prevent the next Huwara or Jit. If that does not change, no one should be surprised when another IDF probe comes out apologizing for failing to protect Palestinians.
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