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A commentary on the moral inequalities of Israel and Hamas

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A commentary on the moral inequalities of Israel and Hamas



The ongoing Israel-Hamas war has captured the attention of the entire world, evoking a myriad of emotions. The recent humanitarian truce has brought relief as families, including babies, children, and elderly Israelis, are finally reuniting after enduring nearly two months of captivity at the hands of Hamas.

Each night, Israelis are glued to their television screens, witnessing the return of hostages in a global media event broadcasted by Arab and international networks. The anticipation is palpable as people watch with bated breath, hoping to see innocent Israelis emerge from the clutches of their Hamas captors.

However, labeling the truce as a mere “hostage exchange” oversimplifies the complexity of the situation. Hamas has reluctantly released abducted children, babies, sick, and elderly individuals who suffered in underground terror tunnels in Gaza without adequate medical treatment. In contrast, Israel not only agreed to release convicted murderers and terrorists held in its prisons but also accepted a conspicuously unequal exchange, releasing three terrorists for each innocent Israeli.

Despite the significant concessions made by Israel, the nation’s moral stance remains resolute. The safe return of its citizens takes precedence, even at the high cost of halting military operations and releasing Palestinian terrorists. This underscores the unwavering commitment to prioritizing the well-being of its people over other considerations.

HOSTAGE RIMON KIRSHT, wearing pink pajamas, boldly stares with unwavering disdain into the eyes of a masked and heavily armed Hamas terrorist upon her release this week. (credit: REUTERS)

The Sanctity of Life vs. The Glorification of Death

The most glaring difference between Israel and Hamas can be viewed in the fundamental belief in the sanctity of life and the glorification of death. The intrinsic value that the Jewish people place on life has come with a high cost, as evident through the hostage negotiations that have taken place throughout the humanitarian truce that began last Friday. While this has been a matter of significant public and political discourse, and even when faced with such a difficult strategic decision, Israeli leadership has demonstrated its adherence to the Jewish value of the sanctity of life.

As part of the negotiations, Israel has released Palestinian prisoners and detainees, in exchange for over 70 Israeli hostages innocent civilians ranging from children to the elderly, some suffering from cancer and other illnesses, without their glasses or medication. There is no moral equivalency between a baby taken from her cradle and kept underground and a convicted terrorist who will most certainly continue to spread violence against Israeli civilians.

Hamas and their followers continue to praise the actions of violence and terror at the hands of their returned prisoners, while Israeli hostages are babies, grandparents, and young people who did nothing else other than go to a party to celebrate life.

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Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the Israeli War Cabinet ultimately decided that there was no question that the return of Israeli hostages was one of the top priorities, alongside the total elimination of Hamas, despite the significant strategic blow to Israel’s military campaign, and against pressure from Netanyahu’s far-right bloc to hold out for a better deal as military operations would have significantly continued to weaken Hamas strongholds. This deal also enabled the supply of vast humanitarian aid into the Gaza Strip for Palestinian civilians who are being abused by the oppressive regime that rules over them. But unfortunately, Hamas will use this ceasefire and the humanitarian aid provided by Israel and the international community to their ends.

The negative outcomes of temporary ceasefires with Hamas and the misuse and reappropriation of humanitarian aid have been proven time and time again. We have seen this in Operation Protective Edge and Pillar of Defense, as Hamas has used the cover of the ceasefire as a means to regroup, import more weapons, and steal humanitarian supplies for their terror tunnels. Hamas will most certainly take oil, medical supplies, and food to their base of operations as a means to outlast the impending resurgence of Israel’s military operation, embedding themselves within the maze of underground tunnels beneath the civilian population. Israel has sacrificed its military advantage by extending a period, halting any intelligence and surveillance, losing more international support, and allowing Hamas significantly valuable time to regroup, rearm, and embed themselves within the civilian population that they are using as human shields.

The IDF is the strongest military power in the region, with undeniable defense and intelligence capabilities. Even with a temporary ceasefire hauling its operation, the Israeli army has the capacity and know-how needed to annihilate Hamas and kill every last terrorist commander, until the threat of the brutal regime is eliminated at its roots. Israel’s strength also stems from its unity and unwavering national spirit. This is most evident in the statement of the families of those who were not released. While their pain will continue to intensify as the weeks continue with the void left by their loved ones still in captivity, they share in the joy of the children and grandmothers returning to their families.

There is still a level of envy for the hostages who have been released, but they know that Israel continues to push hard to secure their freedom. It is this collective unity, the overwhelming feeling that each hostage is part of our own family, which Jewish people share and the understanding of the immeasurable challenge that Israel is facing that will continue to be a source of strength as the war continues.

The Theater of the Absurd

The release of the Israeli hostages has generated a wave of emotion that has swept over the entire country, highlighting the collective and conflicting duality of pain and elation, as children are seen running to their parents and loved ones. Like every other Israeli, I feel that each child is like my own, and while we are overjoyed to see the release of these children, our hearts continue to ache for the horrifying trauma they endured, which is starting to come to light as more are sharing their experiences as captives of Hamas in the underground tunnels of terror. 12-year-old Eitan Yahalomi, who was released this week, was forced to watch the videos of the October 7th massacre over and over, held at gunpoint every time he would cry. While Eitan’s family shares their joy with the rest of Israel, Eitan’s father, Ohan, continues to be held separately in Gaza, and their family remains fractured.

I look at the surreal video of Sharon Aloni Cunio and another unidentified female hostage in matching bright pink jumpsuits, each holding one of Sharon’s twin toddlers, Yuli and Emma, as the group slowly makes their way to safety through a line of Hamas Nukhba fighters, armed and in full uniform, their faces covered with a black mask with the notorious green band tied around their head. Their father David is still being held captive in Gaza. This image of three-year-old twins being carried out of captivity, surrounded by Hamas’ evil special forces, breaks the humanitarian mold that the terrorist regime attempted to stage.

Throughout the rounds of releases, the outward attempts by Hamas to portray an exaggerated concern for these hostages, holding the hands of elderly women and waving at young children, is a production of the theater of the absurd, a thinly veiled attempt to show their world their false sense of humanity. But what kind of humans continue to separate a father from his children, who have been held in deplorable conditions, sleeping on plastic chairs and eating little to nothing for days on end? The failed attempt to show their empathy for the well-being of their hostages, while carrying M16 rifles in a neutral zone is so pitiful that it is almost comedic. These same terrorists who abducted screaming children from their homes and slaughtered their family and friends in one day beheaded babies and kept old and sick grandmothers trapped like animals deep underground, now trying to show the world that they care make a mockery of human rights organizations and media alike who fall into the trap of the theatrical performance they have put on. The bright lights and exaggerated gestures, forcing Israeli children to smile weakly and wave under duress and fear of what will happen to their loved ones who remain a hostage of Hamas, is almost like a Hollywood production, only instead of California, they are at the Rafah Crossing.

But just like Hollywood, this performance is nothing more than an overly lit stage and bad acting. Hamas is spreading fake news, hugging hostages like they took care of them, but the truth is so evident. No level of acting can mask the horrors that took place on October 7th and no level of supposed compassion can overcome the true face of evil- it only underscores the extent of Hamas’s psychopathy and the disillusionment of a world that seems to humanize their actions.

Still, we need to celebrate the return of each life, especially the women, children, and elderly, whose prolonged abduction has been the most heartbreaking for every Israeli.

The safe return of our people makes me feel proud to live in this country, a country that will always choose life over death, no matter the cost – a clear contrast to the values of Hamas, who are praising the release of convicted terrorists like Israa Jaabis, who detonated a car bomb near the Israeli town of Ma’ale Adumim, seriously injuring an Israeli police officer. Marah Bechir was just 16 when she stabbed a policeman and Ragah Abu Kias, also 16, opened fire on a group of Israeli civilians in 2021. Each has returned to their homes in east Jerusalem, where Jewish neighbors will live in continued fear of future terrorist activities as they continue to rally behind violent Hamas’s poisonous ideology. These three terrorists were exchanged for 9-year-old Emily Hand, who was violently abducted by Hamas while attending a sleepover with one of her best friends in Kibbutz Be’eri on October 7th.

But this is not a victory. Even after all of the hostages are returned, Israel will never be able to celebrate after the tragic loss of life that has taken place. There is a clear objective, and Israel cannot allow Hamas to remain in control of Gaza. Despite the military intelligence failure that led to the October 7th massacre, Israel remains one of the strongest military and strategic powers in the world. We can wipe out Hamas, but we are affording more time for a ceasefire to save as many lives as possible. Hamas will utilize the resource of time to rely on the relevant actors, such as Qatar and the United States, to put pressure on Israel to find a diplomatic solution. Arab and European leadership, as well as the vocal protests around the world, are being utilized as a form of psychological warfare against Israel, relying on the influence of external powers to supplement Hamas’ military disadvantage. Hamas wants the world to force Israel into a diplomatic solution, which will also allow them to further poison Palestinian society in an attempt to upend any hope of peace and prosperity in the Middle East.

The coming weeks will be the most trying of the entire war, as IDF soldiers will be forced to resume their military operations with a significant disadvantage, but renewed fervor to stop at nothing until each of the remaining hostages is safely reunited with their families and the threat of the Hamas terrorist regime will be forever eradicated.





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Israel’s use of aid as pressure tactic raises criticism in Gaza conflict

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Israel’s use of aid as pressure tactic raises criticism in Gaza conflict



The United Nations called the situation in northern Gaza “desperate” on Monday, sparking renewed criticism of Israel a year after it launched a major offensive against Hamas.

For more stories from The Media Line go to themedialine.org
A statement from the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNOCHA) said it was “appalled by Israel’s continued bombing and other attacks on … north Gaza, where its forces have trapped tens of thousands of Palestinians … in their homes and shelters with no access to food or other life-sustaining necessities.” The UN also reported a sharp drop in humanitarian aid to the area since the beginning of the month.

The Israeli military issued evacuation orders for northern Gaza, citing intelligence that Hamas was regrouping. This followed an offensive on the Jabaliya refugee camp.

Residents were urged to relocate to humanitarian safe zones. However, reports suggest that many have not followed the orders, likely due to exhaustion from repeated displacement throughout the year-long war. The UN estimates nearly 2 million Palestinians have been displaced, many forced to move as the Israeli army withdraws and re-enters various parts of the territory.

Humanitarian aid to Gaza, largely controlled by Israel through its oversight of all entry points, has been a contentious issue within Israel since the war began in October last year, drawing international scrutiny and criticism.

IDF soldiers operate in the Gaza Strip. (credit: IDF Spokesperson’s Unit)

Israeli media reports that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is considering “The General’s Plan,” proposed by retired army generals. The plan calls for halting humanitarian aid to northern Gaza to increase pressure on Hamas and secure the release of 101 Israeli hostages. It assumes that Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar has not relented under the yearlong military campaign and suggests that withholding aid might force the desired outcome. The plan also proposes indefinite Israeli military control of the area. Netanyahu has denied any intention to permanently control or resettle Gaza, which Israel evacuated in 2005.

“What we are seeing seems like either an attempt to implement the first part of the plan, or a trial run of it,” Michael Milstein, head of the Palestinian Studies Forum at the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies, told The Media Line. “But the Palestinian population is not cooperating, and it doesn’t seem to be working,” Milstein added. “It is unclear how such a plan will promote Israel’s goals. “The plan seeks to completely clear the area of civilians. Any who remain would be considered combatants by the Israeli army, allowing troops to engage them. The army has declined to comment on whether it is following this plan or acting under other orders.

“The Hamas terrorist organization uses the residents of Gaza as human shields and prevents them from obeying IDF calls to move to safe areas,” Lt. Col. Avichay Adraee, the Israel Defense Forces’ Arabic spokesperson, posted on X Monday, blaming Hamas for the lack of civilian cooperation.

Preventing Hamas from regrouping

The army’s latest move to reposition in Gaza is part of ongoing efforts to prevent Hamas from rebuilding. Following an intense ground operation early in the war, the IDF has significantly reduced its presence, with relatively few troops now stationed in Gaza. “This represents a moment of strategic embarrassment,” said Milstein. “Israel has been at an intersection for a long time without making a decision. The doctrine in which it believed it could topple Hamas without 24/7 occupation of Gaza is a failed one.”

With its forces engaged in a war against Hezbollah in Lebanon and possibly facing an imminent confrontation with Iran, the Israeli military is likely too stretched to maintain a larger presence in Gaza.


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“This leaves no other option than to make a deal with Hamas, that would see an Israeli withdrawal from Gaza and the release of hostages,” said Milstein. The IDF controls several areas in Gaza, while leaving others under Hamas’ control. Israel forces are present at Gaza’s border with Egypt, the perimeter along the Gaza Strip, and in the northern part of the territory.

Hard-liners in the Israeli government are advocating for a full occupation of the Gaza Strip, while Israel faces mounting criticism over the humanitarian situation in the impoverished territory.

“The UN reports that no food has entered northern Gaza in nearly 2 weeks. Israel must urgently do more to facilitate the flow of aid to those in need. Civilians must be protected and must have access to food, water, and medicine. International humanitarian law must be respected,” US Vice President and Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris posted on X Monday.

The IDF Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories reported that 83 trucks carrying humanitarian aid and 12 gas and fuel tankers entered Gaza on Monday. The war between Hamas and Israel began after Hamas launched a large-scale attack on southern Israel. The assault, which shocked the nation, left 1,200 Israelis dead, thousands injured, and over 250 taken hostage. Since the war began, 154 hostages have been released, some of them deceased. The fate of the remaining hostages remains unclear, with dozens believed to be dead.

UNOCHA figures, based on reports from the Hamas-run Gaza Health Ministry, indicate that over 42,000 Palestinians have been killed since the war began. While Israel asserts that many of the casualties were armed combatants, international and Palestinian sources report a high civilian death toll. These figures have not been independently verified but have nonetheless led to criticism of Israel’s conduct in the war.

As the war rages, Israel continues to pound Gaza in the hopes of achieving the two main goals its government has set for the war— toppling Hamas and securing the release of hostages. A year into the conflict, international organizations have consistently warned that Gaza is on the brink of famine. Israel, however, denies any threat to food security, insisting that it maintains a steady flow of humanitarian aid into the territory. Some Israelis have advocated using humanitarian aid as leverage to pressure Hamas, which currently controls its distribution, thereby maintaining its grip on Gaza. Several Israeli officials have suggested that prominent Gaza families or clans could govern the territory instead of Hamas. However, the Israeli government has ruled out reinstalling the Palestinian Authority (PA) as a replacement, citing its support for terrorism and its failure to condemn the October 7 attack on Israel.

“If Palestinians had to choose between Hamas or Gazan clans to rule Gaza, they would choose Hamas,” Mkhaimar Abusada, chairman of the Department of Political Science at Al-Azhar University in Gaza and visiting scholar at Northwestern University, told The Media Line. “If Israel would allow the PA to run Gaza again, the goal of marginalizing Hamas will be easier. One must keep in mind that the PA would not step foot in Gaza without Hamas’ approval.”

“The Israeli army, which has killed over 42,000 Palestinians, is not trusted by Gazans to distribute aid,” Abusada added. “The overwhelming majority of them look at the Israeli army as murderers and they will not accept food from them.” However, if left with no other option, Gazans may be forced to accept aid from the Israeli army.

“There is no competition for Hamas in Gaza,” said Milstein. “They continue to control the area, through civilian governance. They survived Israel’s massive offensive and are still the dominant force in Gaza, they survived by being like chameleons successfully changing constantly. Without a full occupation, this will not disappear despite Israel trying to make it so.”

Hamas ousted the PA from Gaza in 2007. Violent images of Hamas fighters throwing PA employees from rooftops in Gaza City highlighted the deep animosity between the two rival Palestinian factions. Years of reconciliation efforts have failed, despite repeated claims to the contrary. However, recent negotiations in Cairo have reportedly brought the two sides closer to an agreement on postwar Gaza.

“Hamas has accepted in principle to allow the PA to run the Gaza Strip, they have still now agreed that Hamas is more open to this scenario,” Abusada said.

The likelihood of this scenario remains slim, due to a complex set of circumstances that have significantly weakened the PA over the past decade. With Hamas still in power in Gaza and the Israeli military stretched too thin to remove them, humanitarian aid remains at the heart of the conflict. With no signs of a ceasefire on the horizon, civilians will continue to pay the price.





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How the Lebanon War must end: key lessons from October 7 – analysis

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How the Lebanon War must end: key lessons from October 7 – analysis



Michael Bar Zohar, at 86 one of Israel’s great and most prolific historians, especially regarding security issues, published a book called “Iron Swords, Bleeding Hearts” less than a month ago on the failures leading up to October 7 and the current war.

The book closes just as Hezbollah is considering its response to the IDF’s killing of its military chief Fuad Shukr on July 30, which turned out to be the August 25 IDF rout of Hezbollah’s attempted retaliation, which itself in turn pushed Israel into having the audacity to decapitate Hezbollah starting in mid-September.  

Bar Zohar uses essentially all open sources on the most current events, but has a priceless number of anecdotes and unique perspectives from his exclusive coverage of Israeli titans like David Ben Gurion, Shimon Peres, and others as he leads into how Israel and the Middle East got to where they are now.

But the most important aspects of Bar Zohar’s book are forward-looking: How must Israel, and the West for that matter, understand the challenge of fundamentalist Islamist groups like Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, and Iran?

With the anniversary of Hamas’s October 7 invasion passing this past week and the invasion of Lebanon moving forward at full throttle, the most practical lessons from Bar Zohar probably have to do with connecting those two events in terms of understanding how the current war in Lebanon must end.

Marada Movement Leader Suleiman Frangieh sits with Hezbollah officials during condolences service for Hezbollah senior commander Fuad Shukr, who was killed on Tuesday in an Israeli strike, in Beirut’s southern suburbs, Lebanon August 2, 2024. (credit: REUTERS/MOHAMED AZAKIR)

Extrapolating from Bar Zohar’s narrative, predictions, and views, the war in Lebanon must end with Israeli security being dependent on Jerusalem and its allies being able to enforce its security and not merely on hopes of “converting” Hezbollah into accepting Israel and joining the Western world.

Bar Zohar writes, “I began writing this book on October 8, 2023, after a sleepless night. I had turned off my TV set after watching, on a foreign channel, the horror in the settlements at the Gaza border, and, for a change, the boisterous street protests in favor of Hamas in foreign capitals.”

“I knew that this crucial chapter of history would be distorted and falsified by lies and fake news, as well as emotions, blind fanaticism, insane hatred of some and foolish adoration of others. I felt that my duty was to tell the truth about these apocalyptic events that shook the world. But to tell the truth now, today, not in a year or two or five. Now.” he continues.

Here, Bar Zohar was cognizant that October 7 was not just about killing 1,200 Israelis, taking 250 hostages, and the failures that led to this – but how this event and Israel’s response would reshape the Middle East afterward.

Failures that lead to October 7

Aside from a harrowing account of the numerous political, intelligence, and operational failures leading into October 7 which are meticulously laid out in the first 16 chapters, there are some later chapters which paint some of the broader trends which have developed since November 2023 and still confront Israel now.


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His coverage of Israel’s first major assassination in Lebanon on January 2, 2024 – of Hamas deputy chief Salah al-Arouri – is indicative.

Recounting the event, he says, “Sheik Nasrallah, the head of Hezbollah, took Al Arouri’s assassination very seriously. Only a few days before, he had met with Arouri and advised him to beware, as the Israelis targeted him. For Nasrallah, the location of the hit was symbolic. During the Second Lebanon War, Israeli warplanes had pulverized the Dahia neighborhood, where the headquarters of Hezbollah were located.”

With a bit of unforeseeable irony and almost prophetic foreshadowing for how Nasrallah eventually met his end from an IDF air strike in Dahia on September 27, Bar Zohar continues. “Nasrallah himself had to run for shelter to an underground bunker in Dahia. After the war ended [referring to the 2006 Second Lebanon War], he stayed in his bunker for years, avoiding any public appearances. Even his speeches were broadcast from the bunker. He thought he was safe in Dahia – and here [after Al Arouri was killed], all of a sudden, he found out that Israel could readily come and go as it pleased. If Arouri was not safe there, neither was Nasrallah. The assassination also proved that Israel had very reliable spies in Beirut.”

Bar Zohar recounts how Nasrallah was taken by surprise when the IDF killed Al Arouri as well as a few days later when the IDF killed Wissam Al Tawil, the deputy commander of the elite Radwan unit, with Al Tawil also being the brother of Nasrallah’s third wife, Hadda Al Tawil.

Nasrallah struck back at some IDF bases in the North, but without causing significant damage and in a relatively weak way, with Bar Zohar commenting, “These Hezbollah attacks were very close to acts of war, but did not cross the blurred line between a border conflict and a war…But once again the upshot failed to meet expectations,” for what Hamas had hoped for from Hezbollah in helping them fight Israel.

The bottom line is that, as indicated by these earlier rounds, once Israel switched gears into hitting Nasrallah much more complicated, he was not ready for the IDF’s fury and was taken by surprise – much as he had been by Hamas’s invasion on October 7.

Next, Bar Zohar briefly explores in one of his last chapters the implications of the Iranian attack, the Israeli counterattack, and the help Israel received from Sunni allies to defend itself in April.

He observes, “And yet, the most important result of these tumultuous days was the baptism of fire of the new American-Arab-Israeli coalition that augured a new era in the Middle East. A new era is indeed beginning, bringing tremendous changes to the lives of millions and carrying a faint glimmer of peace. The new coalition, strengthened by new Israeli leaders, may augur the creation of a new Middle East.”

“The coalition that defeated the Iranian juggernaut in the sky may transform into a solid alliance that could reshape the entire region, establish a new administration in Gaza, and bring moderation to these embattled lands. This is the dream for the future,” he continues.

But by the end of the book, Bar Zohar notes that the killing of Shukr, as well as the killing of Hamas political chief Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran, were “the start of a new stage in the war, with the focus moving from the Gaza strip to the North. That seemed to be the fading away of the Iron Swords and the beginning of a new confrontation between Israel, America, and their allies – and the ‘Axis of Evil’ in the north.

In terms of how the conflict with Hezbollah in Lebanon and Iran should end, he warns that military force will be continually needed alongside any diplomatic efforts and cautions not to leave too much based on “deals” with such parties.

Hezbollah weaponry seized by IDF in southern Lebanon. (credit: IDF SPOKESPERSON’S UNIT)

“One can reason with extremists as long as they understand logic and have a modicum of common sense. Israel could negotiate with the Palestinian leader, Yasser Arafat, and his supporters, as their movement, Fatah, was a nationalist, not a religious one. But when the rival’s ideology is based on religion – no reasonable arguments can influence it,” writes Bar Zohar.

Although Bar Zohar was formerly a Labor party member and Arafat was far from an ideal peace partner, his book’s conclusion is clear that any final security situation with Hezbollah and Iran must be enforceable by the Israeli military.

A diplomatic deal may end the conflict as all conflicts end, but after seeing how Hezbollah abused UN Resolution 1701 for 17 years, Bar Zohar clearly feels that resolving the current conflict with Hezbollah cannot rest merely on an, even strengthened, international peacekeeping force hopefully doing its job.

He finishes with a dark prediction that “The Israel-Hamas confrontation is the first battle of a new World War, a war between the modern world and the ferocious fanatics of radical Islam. A new kind of war. Not the wars to which the world has grown accustomed, fought with armies, tanks, planes, and infantry firing and charging and shouting Hurray – but a war against enemies who aim to destroy the free world from within.”





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Special forces kill four terrorists in Nablus operation – report

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Special forces kill four terrorists in Nablus operation – report



Special forces killed four terrorists in a vehicle during an operation in Nablus in the West Bank, army radio reported on X/Twitter Wednesday evening. 

They were seen armed moments before they were killed, footage published by army radio showed.

A source told Kan that the terrorists killed in Nablus were a squad of terrorists from the Balata Camp that were preparing to carry out an attack against Israelis.

Riots in Nablus

Riots broke out on Wednesday afternoon, during which the IDF killed four terrorists following intelligence provided by the Shin Bet (Israel Security Agency), Maariv reported. 

Commander of the Balata Battalion of the Al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigade (which is aligned with Fatah) Issam a-Salaj was allegedly eliminated in the operation, Walla noted. 

This is a developing story.





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