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Anti-Israel complaints about war conduct not grounded in principle

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Anti-Israel complaints about war conduct not grounded in principle



One of the most jarring juxtapositions following the October 7 massacre has been the about-face of anti-Israel activists from celebration to wailing on social media.

“Gaza just broke out of prison,” journalist Mariam Barghouti wrote on X  the day of the massacre, laughing in another post that “Gazans managed to outdo the most technologically advanced and funded surveillance program in an hour with almost no resources.”

On October 23 she mourned that “Gaza has been destroyed. Save the little that remains.”

One X user going by the handle “MissFalasteena” wrote on October 7 that “my moms making knafa to celebrate, I cannot, she’s been waiting for this one,” and the next day that “October 7th became a new holiday for Palestinians.”

Her holiday spirit was cut short by Israeli military action against Hamas.

ANTISEMITISM ON display at the UK’s Free Palestine rally. (credit: CST)
“We want a ceasefire. Now,” she wrote in mid-November. “My head can’t process that this is a second Nakba and nothing is being done to stop it.”

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Socialist activist Nicholas Cruse wrote on X that he had “no idea what’s going on but I hope Israel gets wiped out.”

While advocating mass violence on October 7, he saw no issue with complaining later that month that “we are probably witnessing the most brutal massacre, the biggest crime against humanity in my lifetime, meanwhile all we can do is rage tweet.”

There is no shortage of examples of activists, academics, and influencers who posted in a similar pattern, and the side-by-side comparisons of these contrasting positions are referred to by Israel supporters as incidents of FAFO (F*** around, find out).

Moments of FAFO are shared because of the catharsis of seeing that those cheering for death and destruction receive their emotional comeuppance, but FAFO examples are also meant to demonstrate a degree of hypocrisy by the anti-Israel crowd.

Anti-Israel activists celebrated all manner of violent actions on October 7, only to claim that such violence was being inflicted on Gazans and decry it. They have bemoaned the Israel-Hamas war as a second “Nakba,” but a great many of them openly support the ethnic cleansing of Jews from Israel as a solution to the conflict. They claim that innocent civilians are being indiscriminately killed in Gaza, but supported the wanton slaughter by Hamas on the Simchat Torah holiday.

They point to dubious Hamas casualty reports that indicate that almost half the Gazan deaths were of children, but that the death of Israeli children was an unavoidable consequence of “resistance” and “decolonization.”

The charge of hypocrisy, however, doesn’t seem to lead terrorism supporters to reconsider their positions or the validity of the tactics. This is because hypocrisy requires one to hold and advocate for a principle, but then blatantly violate this principle.

Hamas supporters do not behold themselves to any principles on war conduct. When they level charges of ethnic cleansing, indiscriminate violence, infanticide or any war crime, they do not believe that these are evils – the source of the evil is not the action but the actor.

This is evident by chants of “by any means necessary,” at anti-Israel protests.   Activists warn not to question the form that Palestinian “resistance” takes, but do not believe that Israel is allowed to operate along the same ethical lines in its own operations.

The laws of warfare draw a distinction between the justness of a war, jus ad bellum, and justness of conduct during war, jus in bello. This prevents atrocities from being conducted even by defenders and those engaging in humanitarian intervention. Genocide of an entire nation is not a valid option, even against an aggressor like Nazi Germany. The anti-Israel crowd draw no such distinction – for them, all actions are defined by the legitimacy of the jus ad bellum.

Israel in their eyes is the aggressor, while Palestinian factions are defenders, rendering all actions by the former unjust and those by the latter just, regardless of their content and outcomes.

Israel supporters have been frustrated by the hypocrisy of anti-Israel activists, who support certain tactics by Hamas but attack Israel for allegedly doing the same, and have tried to point out this Janus-faced position.

Arguing with hypocrisy

However, attempts to argue against this hypocrisy will usually fail since the legitimacy of an individual action is not their concern. They are using the veneer of concern about International Humanitarian Law and war crimes as a weapon. They know that speaking of human rights and war crimes is the language of Israelis and gullible westerners, but it is meant to cause hesitancy in Israeli forces and pressure from the international community. If the roles were reversed there would be no talk of proportionality and distribution, as demonstrated when Hamas had a momentary advantage over Israel on October 7.

“When I am weaker than you, I ask you for freedom because that is according to your principles; when I am stronger than you, I take away your freedom because that is according to my principles,” author Frank Herbert wrote in his novel Children of Dune, which nicely encapsulates the Hamas supporters’ approach.

Arguing about hypocrisy will only result in a waste of energy, unless directed at third party audiences who do not subscribe to revolutionary ideologies that hold the same lack of principle.

The only principle that Hamas supporters hold to is that of victory at any cost. Israel must ensure that the terrorist organization must never again have a victory to celebrate, or a situation in which they again can shed their sheep’s clothes of human rights to indulge in their ravenous lupine intent.

The writer is a Jerusalem Post reporter and an IDF infantry reservist serving on the Gaza border.





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Eyeing Iraq and Syra, the IDF is preparing to fight in Lebanon – analysis

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Eyeing Iraq and Syra, the IDF is preparing to fight in Lebanon – analysis



The cherry season is at its peak but there is little traffic in the orchards and the fruits are rotting on the branches.

Israelis, unlike every year, are avoiding a pilgrimage north to the self-harvesting orchards in Odem, Merom Golan, Kela, and Elrom. The winds of war gripped the Golan Heights this week with intensity.

Dozens of forest and pasture fires broke out in the northern plateau near Katzrin and up to the western slopes above Kibbutz Gadot.

Hezbollah has been hit in recent weeks by IDF operations. Their desire to respond, to take revenge burns inside them.

Therefore, they chose to increase the range of fire for military targets in the Golan Heights. This is how Hezbollah broadcasts that it is looking for revenge in addition to preparing the fighting space for the day when Israel will make a significant move in Lebanon.

Israeli soldiers from the Golani brigade take part in a military drill in the Golan Heights, northern Israel, May 22, 2024 (credit: MICHAEL GILADI/FLASH90)

Under new management

A month and a half ago, Col. Benny Kata assumed the position of commander of the 474th Brigade, the brigade that defends the Golan Heights area.

Ostensibly, he should have turned his attention to the east, towards Syria and even deeper into Iraq, but already in the process of taking over the role, he realized that he must also be ready for missiles and UAVs also from the northern theater in Lebanon.

In the weeks he has been in office, almost every day, Hezbollah fired rockets or launched anti-aircraft missiles into the Golan Heights from Lebanon.

80 percent of the forces in the Golan Heights are combat-reserve units. The previous times that the reserve army was in the Golan Heights in such numbers were during the Yom Kippur War and both the first and second Lebanon Wars.

The eastern border with Syria is a fake border. On the one hand, the Separation of Forces Agreement was maintained even during the civil war in Syria during the Arab Spring.

UNDOF forces, entrusted with maintaining the armistice agreement and the separation of forces, act with respectable assertiveness, unlike the UNIFIL forces on the Lebanese border. On the other hand, beneath the false silence, unrest is taking place. Even binoculars for viewing from a distance will not reveal what is taking place.

The Iranians managed to take control of considerable areas in Syria during the days of the civil war.

They sacrificed their lives to save the rule of Assad Jr. 

Thousands of Shiite Iranians migrated from northern and western Iran to Syria. In the world media, they are called “pro-Iranian militias”. In practice, they are Iranian fighters under the operation of the Quds Force of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards.

“The Iranian proxy was in our eastern arena. We know what the capabilities of Iran and Hezbollah are, and they exist among these militias in Syria and in Iraq as well,” said one military official.

This is the reason why Col. Benny Kata and his soldiers work around the clock. On the one hand, the IDF is improving readiness in the Golan Heights, through more training and improving the means for both attacks and warning, as well as improving the line of fortifications and carrying out engineering operations.

The IDF says that the goal is to damage the capabilities of the Iranian militias deep in Syria and even in Iraq. To this end, the army was deployed not only on the Israeli side of the border but also in the security area, which is a section of hundreds of meters, defined as Israeli territory, but it is east of the perimeter fence.

According to foreign publications, the IDF operates every few days in much deeper ranges, both in the outskirts of Damascus, Homs, Quneitra and more.

“We are not evacuating the residents of the Golan. Our defense activity is in the space beyond the fence,” says a military official. But in the 747th division, they don’t take any risks after October 7.

Along with the offensive defense plans, they are strengthening rear defense systems, including refreshing and strengthening all the standby classes in the settlements. The IDF increased the classes, trained the fighters, and even provided combat equipment that would allow dealing with forces’ infiltration into the Golan Heights area.

The decision on whether to go for a ground maneuver in Lebanon may be made at the political level soon.

This is, of course, if we judge by the level of statements and threats heard in recent days. The IDF understands that such a move will open at least one more fighting front in the Golan.





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Why does Europe recognize a Palestinian state separate from Israel?

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Why does Europe recognize a Palestinian state separate from Israel?



Spain, Ireland, and Norway’s recognition of a Palestinian state is perceived in Israel as a product of antisemitism and an anti-Israel stance in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. However, it is not necessarily, certainly not exclusively, related to these positions. This step can also be seen as a European ideal to change the course of history and to reinforce Europe’s influence in the Middle East.

Politics are driven by power and control. These concepts are not only achieved through military force but can also be implemented through the dissemination of cultural and political ideas. Starting from the mid-19th century until its end, Europe experienced a national awakening. Within this context, Christian Europe shaped the idea of the nation-state. Europe did not think then about nations outside itself, but some of them had already begun to think about themselves. This happened in Asia, the Americas, and even in Africa. The Jews, in their own way, quickly adopted the new idea and created Zionism.

In contrast, the Muslim world never fully embraced this political organization. This is particularly true among Arabs in the Middle East. The adoption of the nation-state idea in territories like Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon is still partial and territorial to this day and is explicitly a product of European colonialism. At some point, Muslim Arabs understood that in order to break free from European colonial rule, they needed to learn to speak their language and establish organizations that would be legitimate in their eyes, and quickly created national resistance movements against European colonialism.

These movements have over time transformed into nation-states. Yet from the authentic consciousness of the Arabs in the region, the concept of nationalism is still a foreign concept. It is no coincidence that Arab-Muslim nation-states in the Middle East remain weak and fragile to this day, with some of them undergoing more or less advanced processes of disintegration.

Hamas in Rafah Street (credit: ABED RAHIM KHATIB/FLASH90)

Israel’s influence on Muslim ideals

Veterans of the IDF are certainly surprised by the stubborn resistance of Hamas in Gaza. They are used to Arab soldiers in the service of nation-states, who abandon the battlefield in a panic as soon as things start to get messy. The Arab/Muslim trust in nationalism is so tenuous that loyalty to the nation is not a sufficient motivation for a soldier to risk his life.

In contrast, Hamas succeeds in arousing authentic tribal impulses and providing motivation and even enthusiasm to its murderous terrorists, because Hamas is formally a nationalist movement. Hamas demands the territory of the Land of Israel and the expulsion of the Jews from it mainly in the name of Islam. In its view, the Land of Israel is their holy land and the Jews are infidels. This idea finds shorter and more direct routes to the hearts of the Palestinians, as it has been pumped for almost 1,500 years by all the Muslim empires that ruled over the Land of Israel.

So faced with Hamas, which emphasizes the religious aspect of the conflict and receives funding from Iran that promotes the idea of a Muslim empire – the historical enemy of Christian Europe – Europe is trying to forcefully reintroduce the European idea of a Muslim nation-state to the region, because a Palestinian state based on the European nationalist idea will remain weak and dependent on Europe. It seems that this is the profound truth behind the European recognition of the Palestinian nation-state. Of course, the move also has a connection to Israel and the century-old conflict, but that is certainly not the sole reason.





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International Peacekeepers Day: UNIFIL’s role questioned amid Israel-Hezbollah conflict

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International Peacekeepers Day: UNIFIL’s role questioned amid Israel-Hezbollah conflict



As international actors debate the legitimacy of Israel’s operation in Gaza, the war on Israel’s northern front rages on. Deaths from the Israel-Hezbollah conflict are continuing to rise, and over 100,000 Israelis are still evacuated from their homes in northern Israel, leading some to question the efficacy of the UN peacekeeper force meant to maintain security in southern Lebanon.

For more stories from The Media Line go to themedialine.org
After the Israeli army finished a military operation against the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in Lebanon in 1978, the UN established a temporary peacekeeping force known as the United Nations Interim Forces in Lebanon (UNIFIL). The body was meant to restore international peace and security and to assist Lebanon’s government and army in restoring control of the border with Israel.

Israel’s 1978 invasion pushed the PLO north of the Litani River, about 18 miles from the border, in order to limit attacks against Israel. Despite the establishment of UNIFIL as a peacekeeper force, Israel returned to Lebanon in 1982. In 2006, another conflict broke out between Israel and Hezbollah, a Lebanese Shiite group with ties to Iran.

After 34 days of fighting between Hezbollah and Israel in 2006, the UN brokered a cease-fire. Under the agreement, UN Security Council Resolution 1701, Israel and Hezbollah agreed to cease hostilities, and UNIFIL was tasked with ensuring that no armed groups other than itself and the Lebanese army operated south of the Litani River.

Today, UNIFIL comprises more than 10,000 soldiers from 49 nations. In addition to monitoring the border, the organization also provides humanitarian assistance to civilians affected by the exchange of fire in southern Lebanon.

UNIFIL peacekeepers from the Republic of Korea conduct a vehicle patrol in the vicinity of Tyre, south Lebanon, February 21, 2024. (credit: Pasqual GORRIZ/UN)

UNIFIL’s role pre-October 7

“Before Oct. 7, we were able to guarantee the overall stability of the southern border for years, and this was clearly a success,” Andrea Tenenti, spokesperson for the UNIFIL mission, told The Media Line. “We played an active role. In fact, we have helped the Lebanese army, starting from 2008, to regain control of the southern part of the country.”

Despite UNIFIL’s successes, Hezbollah has grown stronger in southern Lebanon since 2006, especially in the towns and villages along the 75-mile-long demarcation line, leading some to criticize UNIFIL as ineffective. Since Oct. 7, as constant clashes between Hezbollah and Israel have plagued southern Lebanon and northern Israel, those criticisms have grown louder.

“The UNIFIL mission started with very weak points and ended up being more a cease-fire resolution than a peacekeeping one,” Hanin Ghaddar, a senior fellow at the Washington Institute, told The Media Line. She noted that the forces mostly report violations.

“They do not possess the tools and permission from the UN to confiscate weapons or even arrest those affiliated with” Hezbollah, she said.

Tenenti characterized UNIFIL as “the only ones who can mediate properly” amid the rising tensions, noting that the group had arranged meetings between the Israeli and Lebanese armies.

UNIFIL does not only monitor the conflict between Hezbollah and Israel—at times, it finds itself caught up in that contact.  Among other incidents, a car bomb killed six UNIFIL personnel in 2007, and in October, two mortar shells of undetermined origin hit a UNIFIL base, injuring one peacekeeper.

“Hezbollah targets UNIFIL because they do not want another actor in the south,” Ghaddar explained. “It is never an accident when UNIFIL personnel is targeted because the militant group aims to send a message both to the countries that serve in these forces and to the UN: do not interfere with our activities in the southern part of the country.”

Avraham Levine, a speaker at the northern Israel-based Alma Research and Education Center, told The Media Line that Hezbollah has more control over UNIFIL than UNIFIL does over Hezbollah.

“There are areas where UNIFIL personnel cannot go to, and if they end up by mistake in Hezbollah’s territory, they are attacked on the spot, their vehicles are burnt, and sometimes they are even shot down,” he said.

Levine also said that Hezbollah uses UNIFIL bases for its military purposes.

“Both in 2006 and in further operations that Israel carried against Hezbollah, the militants used UNIFIL compounds as shields for their operations in order to stop Israel’s counterattacks against a UN base,” he said.

One of the rockets launched at Israel by Hezbollah in December originated just 20 yards from a UNIFIL compound.

Levine said that the Lebanese army’s lack of action to rein in Hezbollah relates to the Shia sympathies of many of the soldiers as well as the interest in avoiding another Lebanese civil war.

Describing both UNIFIL and the Lebanese army as ineffective deterrents to Hezbollah, he said that Israel may have to invade Lebanon once again.

“We cannot risk another Oct. 7 in the northern part of Israel since [Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan] Nasrallah publicly claimed his goal to invade the Galilee. Even if this scenario is not pleasant for both sides, we may need to stop Hezbollah by entering Lebanon as we did in the past,” he said.

In the event that a full-scale war between Israel and Hezbollah does break out, UNIFIL may be a target, Levine said. “Maybe this may push to reconsider its mission in the first place,” he speculated.





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