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Israel-Hamas war: Families of Gaza hostages fear for those left behind
The moment Israeli hostages held for 50 days in Gaza by Hamas finally begin crossing the border into Israel in a handoff with the Red Cross will be bittersweet for those families whose loved ones are not yet part of the hostage deal.
“We are very happy for those families whose loved ones will be coming home, but we are worried about those who are staying behind,” said Idan Baruch, whose younger brother Uriel Baruch, from Givon outside of Jerusalem, was kidnapped from the Supernova music festival in Re’im on October 7. “We had hoped to see a general agreement which would bring all of the hostages out, but the government has insisted that nobody will be left behind, and we have to trust in that. What can we do? We don’t make the decisions. So at least there will be those who will be released now, and we will be happy for them.”
The minimum that could have alleviated the fears of family members would have been to demand that Hamas release videos of every hostage as part of the agreement, he said.
“Just to show us videos – even two seconds – so that we can see that they are okay; we are not looking for more than that. That would help us keep our hopes up,” he said. “Even if we just get a sign of life, that he is okay, we will calm down. Part of our stress is that we are living with uncertainty.”At a press conference on November 22, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu insisted that visits by the Red Cross to all the hostages had been negotiated as part of the agreement.
“We had difficult negotiations… it does include visits by Red Cross representatives to the hostages and the delivery of medicines to them,” Netanyahu said. “I heard that there is someone denying this. The Red Cross says that it has not heard; then here is the explicit clause: ‘The Red Cross will be allowed to visit the remaining hostages and provide them with needed medicine.’ I expect the Red Cross to do its work.”
Uriel has a very generous soul and is young in spirit and loves music and festivals, said Baruch. The third of four siblings, he is always the first to help whoever needs it – even strangers. He loves to “celebrate life,” and spend time with his family, said Baruch. They are a very united family, said Baruch, and their youngest brother has returned from the US, where he was living, to be with the family at this time.
There is such a big dissonance between who Uriel is – he never spoke ill about anyone or had hate for anyone or had any connection to war or violence – and the situation he is in now, that it is difficult to absorb, said Baruch.
They have been honest with his children – eight-year-old Shalev and five-year-old Ofek – in terms they can understand about what has happened to their father. Uriel’s parents and wife, Raheli, are trying to function day by day, said Baruch.
“It is a very scary situation for her. She has built a home with a man and suddenly one day he is not here. Her thoughts are very scary. We hope that at least he will be in the next agreement,” he said.
They have not heard any news about his brother since the morning of October 7 when they believe he was kidnapped from the car he was driving in with his friend Michael, with whom he had gone to the festival. The last they heard from them was when Michael called his wife to tell her they were surrounded by terrorists.
The family has seen videos of Baruch’s car on social media, with Michael dead inside. They saw Uriel lying on the ground near the car – but don’t know if he was dead or injured – and then later his body was no longer there, and there were no signs of blood. He is assumed kidnapped at the moment.
“We are now with mixed feelings,” Baruch said. “If [the government] had waited just a bit more with the negotiations, and kept up the situation in Gaza the way it is now, Hamas would have understood it is to their benefit to do a general agreement for all the hostages. I think the government is doing the best they can and I can’t criticize them.”
Right now, he said, the focus must be on bringing the hostages back home and not to start looking for who is to blame or criticizing one political side of the political spectrum or the other.
“Later we can talk about that,” he said. “It is an emergency situation… and all our efforts have to be on bringing them home, not on who is guilty.”
The Israel-Hamas ceasefire needed to bring Gaza hostages home
ONE THING is for certain, that without a ceasefire agreement Hamas will not release any hostages, said Lior Peri, son of 79-year-old peace activist Chaim Peri, who is among the oldest of the hostages and was kidnapped from his home in Kibbutz Nahal Oz.
The families of hostages, and especially those from the kibbutzim who were the hardest hit, have said from the beginning that they support any agreement as a start, he said.
“Any agreement is important and good, and it just needs to be used as leverage for the next agreement,” he said. “We support releasing as many as we can now. We want to release all the hostages, and if it has to be in some time, it will be in some time. We think any agreement is good. Of course, we would prefer that my father will be here, but all agreements are a trailer for other agreements.”
“I want to meet personally the person who can refuse the release of a child,” he added.
Still, he said, the conditions of the tunnels in which the hostages are being held are especially difficult physically for the older hostages.
Peri, who lives in Tel Aviv, said the last news they heard about his father, who on October 7 was able to briefly push out the terrorists invading his house, giving his mother time to hide and be saved, was one month ago, when released hostage Yocheved Lifshitz related that she had seen him alive.
The government’s first priority must be to free the hostages, Peri said.
“The government says their two goals are in parallel, but we say they can’t be together. They think putting pressure on Hamas will advance an agreement, but we believe if they focus on pressuring Hamas, the goal of freeing the hostages will go down in priority,” he said. “I know there are things they are not telling us, and I can understand why… I don’t have a problem with that. It is just important that the government tells me they are doing their best.”
Still, he said, because of its monumental failure to protect its citizens on October 7, the Israeli government now has a duty to prove to the citizens of Israel, and to Jews around the world, that Israel still remains the safe haven for all Jews for which it was founded.
“Israel was created to be a refuge for all world Jewry. That is why all Jews support Israel. Our government now has to show that the country is still worthy of being a shelter for all Jews of the world,” he said. “Something in the contract has been breached.”
He said the multilevel protocol set up by the government which awaits the hostages once they arrive in Israel, comes from the government’s frustration with Lifshitz, who spoke to the media without any government “debriefing,” criticizing the Israeli government for ignoring what she said had been warning signs of Hamas activity along the border weeks before the attack, and speaking positively about her treatment by her Hamas kidnappers.
“They are afraid of that happening again, so they build a framework,” he said. “I don’t envy the person who tries to interrogate my father. My father will lose patience, with the anger he feels toward the government which got him into the situation he is in. Though he will be very happy to be free, he will remember what happened to the Israeli POWs who returned from captivity after the Yom Kippur War and were interrogated by the Israeli security services, suffering second hostage trauma.”
Many POWs from the 1973 war have said that their questioning by Israeli security officers upon their arrival in Israel was worse than their experience in captivity.
Israel has never experienced the situation where so many civilian hostages have been held by terrorists for such a long time, and once they are released family and mental health professionals will have to “learn while walking” of what is the best way to help them with their trauma, Peri said.
He is particularly concerned about how the children will deal with their experience, especially compounded with their 20 years of trauma living under constant threat of missile attacks, he said.
“They have not had an easy childhood,” he said.
But what he most fears is what will happen the day after the war, he said.
“Will the government continue to go in the same directions it has gone for the past year? Will they say the tragedy we experienced is not big enough to move us from the path they have been taking?” he said. “If there is no change, it will be very difficult. I am not interested in looking for a life elsewhere.”
There has not been a real attempt to solve the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, he said, and after five rounds of fighting in Gaza, nothing has been resolved.
“It is just doing the same actions, bringing the same problems. There has not been an attempt for a new way. It has just been trying to manage the conflict, not solve it, and the conflict can’t be managed,” said Peri. “Now maybe they will be ready for another agreement – with Hamas or the Palestinian Authority; it doesn’t matter. You don’t get to choose the enemy you want to make peace with.”
THE CONTINUED uncertainty of the situation, and not knowing even when the hostage release agreement will indeed take effect, or when another agreement will be reached, is distressing, said Itzik Horn, the father of Nir Oz resident Yair Horn, 45, and of Eitan Horn, 37, from Kfar Saba, who went to visit his brother that black Sabbath.
The agreement is not being made between two states, where an agreement is an agreement, he said, noting that already from the start the supposed release date was postponed.
“We don’t know when they will be released, and for now they are only speaking about women and children. Who knows when there will be another ‘quota’ and how or what the criteria will be,” he said. “Another thing that worries us is that they are saying the soldiers will be the last to be released. But who does Hamas define as a soldier? It can be any one from 18 to 45 years old. If we felt we were in a position of impotence before, now it is even more.”
He is trying to keep up hope that both of his sons are alive. Yair is well known by everybody on the kibbutz, having worked in all different sectors, including managing the kibbutz pub. Nir Oz, with a population of about 400 people, suffered the most losses proportionally of all the kibbutzim, with almost one in four people either dead, missing or taken hostage.
His hair stands on edge when he hears that the priorities of the military operation are first to finish off Hamas and then to rescue the hostages, Horn said.
“The objective is to rescue the hostages first,” said Horn, who was evacuated to Herzliya from his home in Ashkelon. “The government has the responsibility to rescue all of the hostages because they failed to protect them and allowed what happened to happen.”
Quoting a Spanish saying, Horn, who is originally from Argentina, noted that a reckoning for those responsible will come, not during the war but after.
“‘While the cannons fire, the poets are quiet,’” he said. “When this is over we will stop pointing toward Gaza and will need to point towards whoever needs to be pointed at. Netanyahu does not even have to accept responsibility. It is his automatically. If he knew and didn’t do anything, it is his responsibility. And if he didn’t know, it is also his responsibility. We have to start at the head.”
As Sigalit Pasharel, from Holon, waits to hear about what will happen with the hostage release, she tries to go about the mundane tasks of daily life that need to get done: bank errands, getting dinner on the table for her family.
“I have to function as a mother. It is very difficult,” she said. “I barely eat. I am always thinking about him, how he is, if he is suffering. You live with a lot of uncertainty and a lot of stress.”
Never in a million years would she have thought she would be in such a position, she said. Her only brother, taxi driver Eitan Levi, 53, of Bat Yam, was down South on that Saturday just on a fluke, having agreed to make the long drive down to take a passenger to one of the communities along the Gaza border.
“I don’t know anything about the hostage release agreement, because no one knows anything,” Pasharel said. “I am very happy that there are hostages going home, but I am very sad that my brother is not included in that agreement. I believe there are a lot more people who are sad their loved ones are not in the agreement. But this is what the government has decided, so even if I say I don’t agree, it wouldn’t help.”
What is most important for her, she said, is that the Red Cross be allowed to go see the other hostages and assure that they are physically okay.
“I believe there will be other agreements. The government promised us all the hostages will be back home no matter what – those dead and those still living,” she said. “It is very important that they all come home in peace, including my brother – that they work on bringing them back home. I hope there will continue to be agreements and that my brother will be included in the agreement and they won’t leave him to the side.”
The last time she heard from her brother – they are only a year apart in age, and he is her only blood relative outside her nuclear family – was at 6:50 a.m. when he called her to say he was very scared, that he was in his taxi trying to get home via Kibbutz Be’eri after being caught in a barrage of missiles. Nobody knows what happened to his passenger.
“He said he was coming back home, and then we heard him say in a very quiet voice “oy vavoy,” and then all we could hear was a lot of Arabic voices saying ‘Allahu akbar,’” she said. She kept her phone on mute and listened as the car was backed up, and for several hours heard movement on the line and lots of Arabic until the phone was disconnected, but she didn’t hear her brother’s voice, she said.
As part of the Family Forum, she has spoken everywhere and to everyone who will listen to her story, she said. She wants everyone to know that also among the hostages there is a taxi driver named Eitan Levi, who is not home. •
The United Nations called the situation in northern Gaza “desperate” on Monday, sparking renewed criticism of Israel a year after it launched a major offensive against Hamas.
The Israeli military issued evacuation orders for northern Gaza, citing intelligence that Hamas was regrouping. This followed an offensive on the Jabaliya refugee camp.
Residents were urged to relocate to humanitarian safe zones. However, reports suggest that many have not followed the orders, likely due to exhaustion from repeated displacement throughout the year-long war. The UN estimates nearly 2 million Palestinians have been displaced, many forced to move as the Israeli army withdraws and re-enters various parts of the territory.
Humanitarian aid to Gaza, largely controlled by Israel through its oversight of all entry points, has been a contentious issue within Israel since the war began in October last year, drawing international scrutiny and criticism.
Israeli media reports that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is considering “The General’s Plan,” proposed by retired army generals. The plan calls for halting humanitarian aid to northern Gaza to increase pressure on Hamas and secure the release of 101 Israeli hostages. It assumes that Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar has not relented under the yearlong military campaign and suggests that withholding aid might force the desired outcome. The plan also proposes indefinite Israeli military control of the area. Netanyahu has denied any intention to permanently control or resettle Gaza, which Israel evacuated in 2005.
“What we are seeing seems like either an attempt to implement the first part of the plan, or a trial run of it,” Michael Milstein, head of the Palestinian Studies Forum at the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle Eastern and African Studies, told The Media Line. “But the Palestinian population is not cooperating, and it doesn’t seem to be working,” Milstein added. “It is unclear how such a plan will promote Israel’s goals. “The plan seeks to completely clear the area of civilians. Any who remain would be considered combatants by the Israeli army, allowing troops to engage them. The army has declined to comment on whether it is following this plan or acting under other orders.
“The Hamas terrorist organization uses the residents of Gaza as human shields and prevents them from obeying IDF calls to move to safe areas,” Lt. Col. Avichay Adraee, the Israel Defense Forces’ Arabic spokesperson, posted on X Monday, blaming Hamas for the lack of civilian cooperation.
Preventing Hamas from regrouping
The army’s latest move to reposition in Gaza is part of ongoing efforts to prevent Hamas from rebuilding. Following an intense ground operation early in the war, the IDF has significantly reduced its presence, with relatively few troops now stationed in Gaza. “This represents a moment of strategic embarrassment,” said Milstein. “Israel has been at an intersection for a long time without making a decision. The doctrine in which it believed it could topple Hamas without 24/7 occupation of Gaza is a failed one.”
With its forces engaged in a war against Hezbollah in Lebanon and possibly facing an imminent confrontation with Iran, the Israeli military is likely too stretched to maintain a larger presence in Gaza.
“This leaves no other option than to make a deal with Hamas, that would see an Israeli withdrawal from Gaza and the release of hostages,” said Milstein. The IDF controls several areas in Gaza, while leaving others under Hamas’ control. Israel forces are present at Gaza’s border with Egypt, the perimeter along the Gaza Strip, and in the northern part of the territory.
Hard-liners in the Israeli government are advocating for a full occupation of the Gaza Strip, while Israel faces mounting criticism over the humanitarian situation in the impoverished territory.
“The UN reports that no food has entered northern Gaza in nearly 2 weeks. Israel must urgently do more to facilitate the flow of aid to those in need. Civilians must be protected and must have access to food, water, and medicine. International humanitarian law must be respected,” US Vice President and Democratic presidential nominee Kamala Harris posted on X Monday.
The IDF Coordinator of Government Activities in the Territories reported that 83 trucks carrying humanitarian aid and 12 gas and fuel tankers entered Gaza on Monday. The war between Hamas and Israel began after Hamas launched a large-scale attack on southern Israel. The assault, which shocked the nation, left 1,200 Israelis dead, thousands injured, and over 250 taken hostage. Since the war began, 154 hostages have been released, some of them deceased. The fate of the remaining hostages remains unclear, with dozens believed to be dead.
UNOCHA figures, based on reports from the Hamas-run Gaza Health Ministry, indicate that over 42,000 Palestinians have been killed since the war began. While Israel asserts that many of the casualties were armed combatants, international and Palestinian sources report a high civilian death toll. These figures have not been independently verified but have nonetheless led to criticism of Israel’s conduct in the war.
As the war rages, Israel continues to pound Gaza in the hopes of achieving the two main goals its government has set for the war— toppling Hamas and securing the release of hostages. A year into the conflict, international organizations have consistently warned that Gaza is on the brink of famine. Israel, however, denies any threat to food security, insisting that it maintains a steady flow of humanitarian aid into the territory. Some Israelis have advocated using humanitarian aid as leverage to pressure Hamas, which currently controls its distribution, thereby maintaining its grip on Gaza. Several Israeli officials have suggested that prominent Gaza families or clans could govern the territory instead of Hamas. However, the Israeli government has ruled out reinstalling the Palestinian Authority (PA) as a replacement, citing its support for terrorism and its failure to condemn the October 7 attack on Israel.
“If Palestinians had to choose between Hamas or Gazan clans to rule Gaza, they would choose Hamas,” Mkhaimar Abusada, chairman of the Department of Political Science at Al-Azhar University in Gaza and visiting scholar at Northwestern University, told The Media Line. “If Israel would allow the PA to run Gaza again, the goal of marginalizing Hamas will be easier. One must keep in mind that the PA would not step foot in Gaza without Hamas’ approval.”
“The Israeli army, which has killed over 42,000 Palestinians, is not trusted by Gazans to distribute aid,” Abusada added. “The overwhelming majority of them look at the Israeli army as murderers and they will not accept food from them.” However, if left with no other option, Gazans may be forced to accept aid from the Israeli army.
“There is no competition for Hamas in Gaza,” said Milstein. “They continue to control the area, through civilian governance. They survived Israel’s massive offensive and are still the dominant force in Gaza, they survived by being like chameleons successfully changing constantly. Without a full occupation, this will not disappear despite Israel trying to make it so.”
Hamas ousted the PA from Gaza in 2007. Violent images of Hamas fighters throwing PA employees from rooftops in Gaza City highlighted the deep animosity between the two rival Palestinian factions. Years of reconciliation efforts have failed, despite repeated claims to the contrary. However, recent negotiations in Cairo have reportedly brought the two sides closer to an agreement on postwar Gaza.
“Hamas has accepted in principle to allow the PA to run the Gaza Strip, they have still now agreed that Hamas is more open to this scenario,” Abusada said.
The likelihood of this scenario remains slim, due to a complex set of circumstances that have significantly weakened the PA over the past decade. With Hamas still in power in Gaza and the Israeli military stretched too thin to remove them, humanitarian aid remains at the heart of the conflict. With no signs of a ceasefire on the horizon, civilians will continue to pay the price.
Michael Bar Zohar, at 86 one of Israel’s great and most prolific historians, especially regarding security issues, published a book called “Iron Swords, Bleeding Hearts” less than a month ago on the failures leading up to October 7 and the current war.
The book closes just as Hezbollah is considering its response to the IDF’s killing of its military chief Fuad Shukr on July 30, which turned out to be the August 25 IDF rout of Hezbollah’s attempted retaliation, which itself in turn pushed Israel into having the audacity to decapitate Hezbollah starting in mid-September.
Bar Zohar uses essentially all open sources on the most current events, but has a priceless number of anecdotes and unique perspectives from his exclusive coverage of Israeli titans like David Ben Gurion, Shimon Peres, and others as he leads into how Israel and the Middle East got to where they are now.
But the most important aspects of Bar Zohar’s book are forward-looking: How must Israel, and the West for that matter, understand the challenge of fundamentalist Islamist groups like Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, and Iran?With the anniversary of Hamas’s October 7 invasion passing this past week and the invasion of Lebanon moving forward at full throttle, the most practical lessons from Bar Zohar probably have to do with connecting those two events in terms of understanding how the current war in Lebanon must end.
Extrapolating from Bar Zohar’s narrative, predictions, and views, the war in Lebanon must end with Israeli security being dependent on Jerusalem and its allies being able to enforce its security and not merely on hopes of “converting” Hezbollah into accepting Israel and joining the Western world.
Bar Zohar writes, “I began writing this book on October 8, 2023, after a sleepless night. I had turned off my TV set after watching, on a foreign channel, the horror in the settlements at the Gaza border, and, for a change, the boisterous street protests in favor of Hamas in foreign capitals.”
“I knew that this crucial chapter of history would be distorted and falsified by lies and fake news, as well as emotions, blind fanaticism, insane hatred of some and foolish adoration of others. I felt that my duty was to tell the truth about these apocalyptic events that shook the world. But to tell the truth now, today, not in a year or two or five. Now.” he continues.
Here, Bar Zohar was cognizant that October 7 was not just about killing 1,200 Israelis, taking 250 hostages, and the failures that led to this – but how this event and Israel’s response would reshape the Middle East afterward.
Failures that lead to October 7
Aside from a harrowing account of the numerous political, intelligence, and operational failures leading into October 7 which are meticulously laid out in the first 16 chapters, there are some later chapters which paint some of the broader trends which have developed since November 2023 and still confront Israel now.
His coverage of Israel’s first major assassination in Lebanon on January 2, 2024 – of Hamas deputy chief Salah al-Arouri – is indicative.
Recounting the event, he says, “Sheik Nasrallah, the head of Hezbollah, took Al Arouri’s assassination very seriously. Only a few days before, he had met with Arouri and advised him to beware, as the Israelis targeted him. For Nasrallah, the location of the hit was symbolic. During the Second Lebanon War, Israeli warplanes had pulverized the Dahia neighborhood, where the headquarters of Hezbollah were located.”
With a bit of unforeseeable irony and almost prophetic foreshadowing for how Nasrallah eventually met his end from an IDF air strike in Dahia on September 27, Bar Zohar continues. “Nasrallah himself had to run for shelter to an underground bunker in Dahia. After the war ended [referring to the 2006 Second Lebanon War], he stayed in his bunker for years, avoiding any public appearances. Even his speeches were broadcast from the bunker. He thought he was safe in Dahia – and here [after Al Arouri was killed], all of a sudden, he found out that Israel could readily come and go as it pleased. If Arouri was not safe there, neither was Nasrallah. The assassination also proved that Israel had very reliable spies in Beirut.”
Bar Zohar recounts how Nasrallah was taken by surprise when the IDF killed Al Arouri as well as a few days later when the IDF killed Wissam Al Tawil, the deputy commander of the elite Radwan unit, with Al Tawil also being the brother of Nasrallah’s third wife, Hadda Al Tawil.
Nasrallah struck back at some IDF bases in the North, but without causing significant damage and in a relatively weak way, with Bar Zohar commenting, “These Hezbollah attacks were very close to acts of war, but did not cross the blurred line between a border conflict and a war…But once again the upshot failed to meet expectations,” for what Hamas had hoped for from Hezbollah in helping them fight Israel.
The bottom line is that, as indicated by these earlier rounds, once Israel switched gears into hitting Nasrallah much more complicated, he was not ready for the IDF’s fury and was taken by surprise – much as he had been by Hamas’s invasion on October 7.
Next, Bar Zohar briefly explores in one of his last chapters the implications of the Iranian attack, the Israeli counterattack, and the help Israel received from Sunni allies to defend itself in April.
He observes, “And yet, the most important result of these tumultuous days was the baptism of fire of the new American-Arab-Israeli coalition that augured a new era in the Middle East. A new era is indeed beginning, bringing tremendous changes to the lives of millions and carrying a faint glimmer of peace. The new coalition, strengthened by new Israeli leaders, may augur the creation of a new Middle East.”
“The coalition that defeated the Iranian juggernaut in the sky may transform into a solid alliance that could reshape the entire region, establish a new administration in Gaza, and bring moderation to these embattled lands. This is the dream for the future,” he continues.
But by the end of the book, Bar Zohar notes that the killing of Shukr, as well as the killing of Hamas political chief Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran, were “the start of a new stage in the war, with the focus moving from the Gaza strip to the North. That seemed to be the fading away of the Iron Swords and the beginning of a new confrontation between Israel, America, and their allies – and the ‘Axis of Evil’ in the north.
In terms of how the conflict with Hezbollah in Lebanon and Iran should end, he warns that military force will be continually needed alongside any diplomatic efforts and cautions not to leave too much based on “deals” with such parties.
“One can reason with extremists as long as they understand logic and have a modicum of common sense. Israel could negotiate with the Palestinian leader, Yasser Arafat, and his supporters, as their movement, Fatah, was a nationalist, not a religious one. But when the rival’s ideology is based on religion – no reasonable arguments can influence it,” writes Bar Zohar.
Although Bar Zohar was formerly a Labor party member and Arafat was far from an ideal peace partner, his book’s conclusion is clear that any final security situation with Hezbollah and Iran must be enforceable by the Israeli military.
A diplomatic deal may end the conflict as all conflicts end, but after seeing how Hezbollah abused UN Resolution 1701 for 17 years, Bar Zohar clearly feels that resolving the current conflict with Hezbollah cannot rest merely on an, even strengthened, international peacekeeping force hopefully doing its job.
He finishes with a dark prediction that “The Israel-Hamas confrontation is the first battle of a new World War, a war between the modern world and the ferocious fanatics of radical Islam. A new kind of war. Not the wars to which the world has grown accustomed, fought with armies, tanks, planes, and infantry firing and charging and shouting Hurray – but a war against enemies who aim to destroy the free world from within.”
Special forces killed four terrorists in a vehicle during an operation in Nablus in the West Bank, army radio reported on X/Twitter Wednesday evening.
They were seen armed moments before they were killed, footage published by army radio showed.
A source told Kan that the terrorists killed in Nablus were a squad of terrorists from the Balata Camp that were preparing to carry out an attack against Israelis.4 מחבלים חוסלו ברכב במהלך פעולה של כוחות מיוחדים בשכם, כך הם תועדו רגע לפני שנהרגו pic.twitter.com/mFUGTHFqYg
— הוד בראל Hod Barel (@hod_barel) October 9, 2024
Riots in Nablus
Riots broke out on Wednesday afternoon, during which the IDF killed four terrorists following intelligence provided by the Shin Bet (Israel Security Agency), Maariv reported.
Commander of the Balata Battalion of the Al-Aqsa Martyrs’ Brigade (which is aligned with Fatah) Issam a-Salaj was allegedly eliminated in the operation, Walla noted.
This is a developing story.
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