Indian Defense
One Year Since Galwan, India Should Wait And Watch, But Keep The Powder Dry

At the LAC, it is unlikely that China will withdraw beyond a point. Neither will India
by Seshadri Chari
There is little doubt that even after one year of the ‘unexpected and sudden’ clash that broke out in the Galwan area in Ladakh between Indian patrolling troops and the Chinese People’s Liberation Army, not much clarity is available about the origins of the deadly engagement. The seriousness of the clash was amplified by the fact that there were heavy casualties on both sides almost after 40 years. The defence establishment in New Delhi did not expect such a major intrusion in the north by China especially after the Doklam incident, which is still perceived as an unsuccessful misadventure by Beijing. Going by the fierce and massive response from the Indian Army, the PLA was halted in the tracks without probably achieving its tactical and limited objective.
In a way, both Doklam and Galwan have many things in common and appear to be linked to a much larger strategy with political, economic and geostrategic implications.
Both Doklam and Galwan indicate that China is focussed on its strategy to dominate the areas stretching from the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in Ladakh to Aksai Chin, Siachen Glacier and beyond. China’s road and railway links crisscrossing these mountainous and inhospitable areas cover a distance of about 500 kilometres but gives Beijing the advantage of sitting over a vantage point almost equidistant from Islamabad and Kabul through the Kashgar-Gilgit-Islamabad-Gwadar railway route. Every inch of land here is of great strategic significance, and New Delhi can let go of even a small patch only at its peril. It compromises our security. It is unlikely that Beijing will withdraw beyond a point and neither will New Delhi.
A Firm Stand
After the initial talks for de-escalation, there was substantial improvement in the situation resulting in troop withdrawal from both sides. Although both India and China would prefer to maintain peace and tranquillity in the ‘undefined’ border area, the troop withdrawal and the disengagement process seems to have slowed down or stopped on an as-is-where-is basis, suggesting stalemate. No fresh clashes have been reported, but the uncanny impasse is not limited to the border between the two countries. The political fallout, diplomatic logjam and economic antagonism appear to have increased.
External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar’s comment that “India’s relations with China are at a crossroads” indicates New Delhi has made up its mind to be firm with Beijing and deny any access to trade and commerce, not to mention geography. Jaishankar has laid the ground rules for normality by saying that “the future trajectory of ties will depend on whether Beijing will adhere to pacts aimed at ensuring peace on the border”.
“What is clear in the last year is that border tensions cannot continue with cooperation in other areas,” the minister said.
On the other hand, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi has laid the blame for the troubled relationship between the two countries at India’s door. Going by his statement, it is clear that Beijing feels that there has been “some wavering and backpedalling in India’s China policy” affecting the practical cooperation between the two countries. Short of accusing India of recalibrating its policy towards China, Beijing, with total disregard to our security concerns, posits the heightening differences on a shift in India’s China policy since the Narendra Modi-led government came to power in 2014.
China’s ASEAN Plan Against Quad
Beijing should realise that economic cooperation between India and China cannot be a standalone issue. China continues to view India’s economic progress as a challenge to its own growth and external trade. The fallout of the US-China trade war, now at a much lower key after the arrival of the Joe Biden administration, is also seen as a prospective gain for India. Beijing has not only criticised the Quad, but even gone to the extent of trying to build an anti-Quad platform within ASEAN. After describing the Quad as “Asian NATO” and terming it as a US-led military alliance against China, Beijing is clearly apprehensive that the grouping of India, US, Australia and Japan will rope in more ASEAN members in its regional vaccine initiative. But the real and immediate concern of China is that the Quad could enlist ASEAN members and counter China in Southeast Asia, South China Sea and the Indo-Pacific, thus frustrating its hegemonic ambitions.
Similar to the Quad foreign ministers’ summit, Beijing is hosting foreign ministers of the 10 ASEAN nations to roll out its plans for greater economic cooperation, improving the working of Lancang-Mekong Cooperation (LMC) between Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand and Vietnam, fine-tuning the terms of engagement of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and more importantly, aligning Covid-19 recovery efforts.
While the political establishment in India is stable and strong, Xi Jinping is having to balance between a powerful oligarchy within the Chinese Communist Party (CPP), the trigger-happy PLA, and the country’s sagging international image as the epicentre of the novel coronavirus. In addition to these, China also has to prepare for a possible inflationary trend in its economy at a time when the CCP is raring to go for a centenary bash.
China’s overtures for economic cooperation, resolution of border dispute and “working together to realise the potential of two ancient civilisations” are all being made at a time when the economic, strategic and military asymmetry between India and China are looking to disappear. Time for New Delhi to wait and watch, but keep the powder dry.
Indian Defense
INS Arihant’s Nuke-Capable K-4 Submarine-Launched Ballistic Missile ‘Ready To Roll’

The solid-fuelled K-4 missile is being developed by DRDO to arm the country’s nuclear-powered submarines in the shape of INS Arihant and its under-development sister vessels. INS Arihant, which became fully operational in November 2018 to complete India’s nuclear triad, is currently armed with the much shorter K-15 missiles with a 750 km range.
“The K-4 is now virtually ready for its serial production to kick-off. The two tests have demonstrated its capability to emerge straight from underwater and undertake its parabolic trajectory,” said a source.

India has the land-based Agni missiles, with the over 5,000-km Agni-V inter-continental ballistic missile now in the process of being inducted, and fighter jets jury-rigged to deliver nuclear weapons. But INS Arihant gives the country’s deterrence posture much more credibility because nuclear-powered submarines armed with nuclear-tipped missiles are considered the most secure, survivable and potent platforms for retaliatory strikes.
Once the K-4 missiles are inducted, they will help India narrow the gap with countries like the US, Russia and China, which have over 5,000-km range SLBMs. The K-4 missiles are to be followed by the K-5 and K-6 missiles in the 5,000-6,000 km range class.
The 6,000-ton INS Arihant, which is propelled by an 83 MW pressurised light-water reactor at its core, in turn, is to be followed by INS Arighat, which was launched in 2017. The next generation of nuclear submarines, currently called S-4 and S-4*, will be much larger in size.
Indian Defense
After Upgradation, Sukhoi Su-30MKI Indigenisation To Reach 78%

India has received clearance to upgrade 84 Sukhoi Su-30MKI fighter jets, which will result in 78% indigenization after the upgrade
In a significant step towards bolstering its military might with indigenously developed technology, India is poised to witness its Russian-origin Sukhoi Su-30MKI fighter jets evolve into a domestic platform. Speaking at a recent lecture.
The upgrade program is being led by Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) in partnership with the Indian Air Force and other partners. The upgrade is expected to cost US$7.5 billion.
This initiative is a part of a larger effort by the Indian Air Force to modernize its ageing fleet. Air Chief Marshal Chaudhari asserted the critical role of an offensive air force as demonstrated in current global conflicts and emphasized India’s move towards an indigenized arsenal. To this end, the IAF has been proactive, from upgrading its Mirage 2000 to enhancing its MiG-29 fleet.
In summary, the IAF’s commitment to updating their combat forces with the latest technology, including shifting to fifth-generation fighter jets, ensures operational preparedness and a strong deterrence capability. The gradual indigenization of its air fleet marks a pivotal shift in India’s defence landscape, reducing dependency on foreign imports and fostering technological sovereignty.
Indian Defense
Akash Weapon System Exports For The Armenian Armed Forces Gathers Pace

According to unconfirmed reports, Armenia is a top contender for an export order for Akash SAM system manufactured by Bharat Dynamics Limited (BDL).
The Akash export version will also be slightly different from the one inducted by the armed forces. The 100-km range air-to-air Astra missiles, now entering production after successful trials from Sukhoi-30MKI fighters, also have “good export potential”, said sources.
Akash is a “tried, tested and successfully inducted systems”. Indian armed forces have ordered Akash systems worth Rs 24,000 crore over the years, and MoD inked a contract in Mar 2023 of over Rs 9,100 crores for improved Akash Weapon System
BDL is a government enterprise under the Ministry of Defence that was established in 1970. BDL manufactures surface-to-air missiles and delivers them to the Indian Army. BDL also offers its products for export.
Akash Weapon System
The AWS is a Short Range Surface to Air Missile (SRSAM) Air Defence System, indigenously designed and developed by Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO). In order to meet aerial threats, two additional Regiments of AWS with Upgradation are being procured for Indian Army for the Northern borders. Improved AWS has Seeker Technology, Reduced Foot Print, 360° Engagement Capability and improved environmental parameters.
The project will give a boost to the Indian missile manufacturing industry in particular and the indigenous defence manufacturing ecosystem as a whole. The project has overall indigenous content of 82% which will be increased to 93% by 2026-27.
The induction of the improved AWS into the Indian Army will increase India’s self-reliance in Short Range Missile capability. This project will play a role in boosting the overall economy by avoiding outgo of precious foreign exchange to other countries, increasing employment avenues in India and encouraging Indian MSMEs through components manufacturing. Around 60% of the project cost will be awarded to the private industry, including MSMEs, in maintaining the supply chain of the weapon system, thereby creating large scale of direct and indirect employment.
-
Solar Energy3 years ago
DLR testing the use of molten salt in a solar power plant in Portugal
-
TOP SCEINCE7 months ago
Searching old stem cells that stay young forever
-
Camera1 year ago
DJI Air 3 vs. Mini 4 Pro: which compact drone is best?
-
Indian Defense4 years ago
Israeli Radar Company Signs MoU To Cooperate With India’s Alpha Design Technologies
-
world news5 months ago
Sirens trigger across central Israel following rocket barrage targeting Tel Aviv Iron Dome battery
-
world news5 months ago
Hezbollah’s gold mine catches fire: Nasrallah’s bunker under hospital held half billion dollars
-
Camera1 year ago
Sony a9 III: what you need to know
-
world news1 year ago
Gulf, France aid Gaza, Russia evacuates citizens