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Settlers versus Palestinians: “This was a battle for our homes.”

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Settlers versus Palestinians: “This was a battle for our homes.”
All the windows in the Hamamdeh family’s small stone home are broken.

The shattered jagged glass is one of the many visible scars of the violent events that took place in Khirbet al-Mufaqarah on September 28, when the small, dusty South Hebron Hills Palestinian herding village of some 122 people was transformed into a battleground that left 12 Palestinians and five settlers injured.

“All the homes are like this,” said Mahmoud Hamamdeh, adding that “this was a battle for our homes…. We were attacked with stones and sticks.”

His three-year-old grandson Muhammad Baker Mahmoud Hamamdeh suffered a head wound in the attack serious enough to require a three-day hospital stay at Soroka-University Medical Center in Beersheba.

A week later, dressed in gray pajamas and sandals, the brown-haired boy sat on the concrete floor in his home playing with large, multicolored Lego that two Israeli visitors had brought him.

ONE OF the shattered windows in Hamamdeh family’s stone home in Khirbet al-Mufaqarah. (credit: TOVAH LAZAROFF)

The room was mostly bare. A number of small, thin, colored foam mattresses were laid on the floor for seating.

Muhammad had fitted the red, green, yellow and blue pieces together, as his mother, Bara’a, and his grandfather Mahmoud described how their home was pelted by stones thrown by Jewish extremists who they presumed were settlers.

“This is the room where the children hid,” Mahmoud explained, because its steel shutter could provide safety.

His grandson Muhammad, however, never made it into the safe room, because he had already been hit by rocks that went through two different windows of the bedroom he had been napping in. The room was filled with glass and blood, recalled Mahmoud, explaining that they thought he had died.

Mahmoud walked over to the bedroom, where he held up the bloodstained sweatshirt Muhammad had slept in, to underscore how frightening the moment had been.

The attack, which occurred about 2 p.m. on the Simhat Torah holiday, is the worst such incident of violence in that West Bank village that anyone can remember.

The community is not linked up to an electricity or water grid and is located off a dirt road between the two settler outposts of Avigail and Maon Farm.

The three communities are all unauthorized, and as a result the status of all three communities is tenuous.

Both Palestinians and Israelis hold that their rights to the land supersede the IDF regulations that govern Area C of the West Bank where they are situated. Area C is under IDF military and civilian rule.

Palestinians hold that this land should be part of the permanent borders of a Palestinian state, while the Israeli Right believes that this land, which is part of the biblical heartland, should be included within Israel’s sovereign borders.

PALESTINIAN FLAGS flutter in al-Mufaqarah, and Israeli flags can be seen in Avigail and Maon Farm. The historical narratives of these communities differ, as do their languages.

Similarly, there is a wide gap between their narratives of how and why the attack on the village unfolded.

A South Hebron Hills Regional Council spokesman claimed a group of some 20 settlers had walked in the morning from Avigail to Maon Farm and were on their way back when they were attacked by Palestinians. There was only a small army presence in the area, and they took action to defend themselves, he said.

The security officer from Maon Farm came to their assistance, and he was attacked, with rocks thrown at his vehicle, the spokesman said. He provided The Jerusalem Post with photos that depict Palestinians holding rocks, including one that showed a masked Palestinian with a slingshot. Another photo showed Palestinians beside a building with stones and a stick.

Channel 12 posted a video from the event, which showed army soldiers during the event accusing a Palestinian – Basel Adra, from the area, who volunteers with the left-wing group B’Tselem – of setting brush aflame. Channel 12 then added that this was done so that Palestinians could accuse Jews of setting their village on fire. Adra took to Twitter to debunk the Channel 12 charge, posting a video that showed that the fire in question was started by a tear-gas canister.

“It’s a lie. The fire was caused by an army gas bomb. I literally filmed it, so I have proof. Also, there aren’t any homes there – just a pile of wood,” Adra tweeted.

He added that “I saw the fire, filmed it, and called residents to fetch water.”

Initially, he wrote that two soldiers helped him, but then another soldier filmed him “to fabricate a false accusation against me.”

According to B’Tselem the incident started around 2 p.m. when settlers attacked a shepherd in nearby Khirbet a-Rakeez while he was grazing his flock. B’Tselem alleged that the settlers killed four of the shepherd’s goats.

Adra said the shepherd called for help, and then a stoning incident broke out between the settlers and the Palestinians, with the army arriving shorty after and shooting tear gas and stun grenades at the Palestinians.

He charged that, at its height, the event included as many as 80 settlers, and that the violence spread beyond al-Mufaqarah and also included attacks on some homes in his village of al-Tuwani.

Violence at this level, he speculated, could occur only if it had been preplanned in an attempt to scare Palestinians into leaving the area.

“They don’t want us to live here,” he added.

The attackers, he said, vandalized homes, vehicles and cut water lines.

B’Tselem published a video that showed a stoning attack by Jewish extremists against a home in al-Mufaqarah. In the video one can hear the sound of breaking glass and the explosion of stun grenades and tear gas.

One settler source blamed the attack on outside Jewish extremists, primarily teens, adding that it was clear the violence there was unacceptable and went above and beyond any claim with respect to self-defense.

He said that the army and the police have to be the ones who take steps to prevent the violence.

The army declined to be interviewed for the article and the police did not respond as of press time to a request for details about their investigation into the incident. Police initially arrested six Israelis and one Palestinian in connection with the September 28 event.

In an unusual move OC Central Command Maj.-Gen. Yehuda Fox visited al-Mufaqarah last week and spoke with Mahmoud Hamamdeh to learn firsthand about the incident.

Palestinians, including Mahmoud, said that from their perspective the incident could not have occurred without the army, which they said was on the scene almost from the start.

The village of al-Mufaqarah is close to the scene of a September 17 incident in which an IDF major and his unit prevented a group of left-wing activists from reaching a small Palestinian hamlet near the Avigail outpost so as to deliver a truckload of water.

The soldiers were captured on film using what appeared to be undue force to dispel the activists, who had been marching on both sides of a narrow paved road that leads to the outpost and that also passes by Khirbet al-Mufaqarah.

Less than two weeks later, it was this same IDF unit that was unable to prevent a group of extreme right-wing teenagers from reaching al-Mufaqarah and pelting its homes and residents with stones.

THE AL-MUFAQARAH incident comes amid a heightened focus on violence by Jewish extremists and settlers against Palestinians in the West Bank, in a period when tensions have increased overall in that region, including in the South Hebron Hills.

According to the UN, as of October 4, there have been 264 attacks this year by settlers and Jewish extremists against Palestinians in the West Bank and east Jerusalem that resulted in property damage and 101 in which there were injuries. This is compared to data from all of 2020 in which there were 270 settler and Jewish extremist attacks that resulted in property damage and 82 in which there were injuries.

Separately, UN data showed, 69 Israeli civilians have been injured by Palestinians in the West Bank and east Jerusalem, compared with 16 last year.

According to South Hebron Hills Regional Council head Yochai Damri, “There are 1,500 incidents of rock-throwing on Jews on the roads in the Judea-Samaria area every year.”

STILL, A wide-ranging group attack such as the one that occurred last week is rare.

Mahmoud Hamamdeh said it is impossible to describe the chaos of the attack; the violence was overwhelming, and on all sides one didn’t know what to do and where to be, he said.

Rubber bullets, stun grenade and tear-gas casings are littered in the village. He rolled up his sleeve to show how he had two wounds on his arm, which he said were from the stun grenades and tear gas canisters that were thrown.

When the attack began, he and his siblings had gathered for a family lunch, when they heard shouting about approaching settlers.

“I had 22 grandchildren who were present,” he said, and the whole time the attack lasted, their safety was uppermost in his mind, to say nothing of the wounded Muhammad.

Damri said he “immediately denounced, and always vigorously denounces, any harming of innocent persons, regardless of religion or origin.”

This goes, he said, for needless acts of violence on either side.

Representatives from Avigail and Havat Maon went to visit the boy, Damri said, adding that “I, too, as the local elected leader of our Jewish community, asked the child’s family if I could visit. The family politely refused – concerned that the Palestinian Authority would retaliate against them.”

Avigail resident Reut Malichi said she had gone to see the three-year-old Muhammad this week, having already visited him at Soroka last week as well.

A school counselor and a mother of seven who grew up in the Gush Etzion region, she is among those from Avigail who have a relationship with Palestinians from al-Mufaqarah, particularly with Mahmoud Hamamdeh because of his Hebrew.

The community of Avigail is a small, mixed religious and secular community, situated in a complex political reality, she said. Israelis and Palestinians in this area live together, side by side, and have to be good neighbors, even though they hold diametrically opposed beliefs, including on their relationship to the land, Malichi said.

The Palestinians do not recognize the State of Israel and do not want the Jews living on land that they hold belongs to them, she added.

In turn, she said, “we are Zionists and we are returning to… the land of the Bible.”

Initially, Malichi said, she was unaware of the attack, as she celebrated the holiday with her family, with a barbecue lunch after services, which included her mother and some of her siblings.

Malichi learned about the violence, she said, mostly after the fact. She blamed the incident on a group of teenagers that visited the community for the holiday, explaining that it did not represent the people of Avigail itself.

The teenagers were not properly supervised, she explained. Already when she met them over the holiday, she feared for a situation that could get out of control.

Malichi was also able to speak with the teenagers after the incident, so she said she understands that “they did terrible things.”

Malichi added, “I am embarrassed to tell you what they told me, and it cannot be justified.”

She has already warned her own teenage son that if he ever engages in such activity, she will personally turn him in to the police.

“I can understand why Palestinians threw stones” in response,” she said.

This is not how Jews or the residents of Judea and Samaria should behave, she said. Israelis living here should be a force for peace.

“Nothing like that has happened here before,” she said.

“This land can no longer tolerate the blood, the hate, and we have to help it love us. It is not the path of this nation to live in hate.”•

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Eyeing Iraq and Syra, the IDF is preparing to fight in Lebanon – analysis

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Eyeing Iraq and Syra, the IDF is preparing to fight in Lebanon – analysis



The cherry season is at its peak but there is little traffic in the orchards and the fruits are rotting on the branches.

Israelis, unlike every year, are avoiding a pilgrimage north to the self-harvesting orchards in Odem, Merom Golan, Kela, and Elrom. The winds of war gripped the Golan Heights this week with intensity.

Dozens of forest and pasture fires broke out in the northern plateau near Katzrin and up to the western slopes above Kibbutz Gadot.

Hezbollah has been hit in recent weeks by IDF operations. Their desire to respond, to take revenge burns inside them.

Therefore, they chose to increase the range of fire for military targets in the Golan Heights. This is how Hezbollah broadcasts that it is looking for revenge in addition to preparing the fighting space for the day when Israel will make a significant move in Lebanon.

Israeli soldiers from the Golani brigade take part in a military drill in the Golan Heights, northern Israel, May 22, 2024 (credit: MICHAEL GILADI/FLASH90)

Under new management

A month and a half ago, Col. Benny Kata assumed the position of commander of the 474th Brigade, the brigade that defends the Golan Heights area.

Ostensibly, he should have turned his attention to the east, towards Syria and even deeper into Iraq, but already in the process of taking over the role, he realized that he must also be ready for missiles and UAVs also from the northern theater in Lebanon.

In the weeks he has been in office, almost every day, Hezbollah fired rockets or launched anti-aircraft missiles into the Golan Heights from Lebanon.

80 percent of the forces in the Golan Heights are combat-reserve units. The previous times that the reserve army was in the Golan Heights in such numbers were during the Yom Kippur War and both the first and second Lebanon Wars.

The eastern border with Syria is a fake border. On the one hand, the Separation of Forces Agreement was maintained even during the civil war in Syria during the Arab Spring.

UNDOF forces, entrusted with maintaining the armistice agreement and the separation of forces, act with respectable assertiveness, unlike the UNIFIL forces on the Lebanese border. On the other hand, beneath the false silence, unrest is taking place. Even binoculars for viewing from a distance will not reveal what is taking place.

The Iranians managed to take control of considerable areas in Syria during the days of the civil war.

They sacrificed their lives to save the rule of Assad Jr. 

Thousands of Shiite Iranians migrated from northern and western Iran to Syria. In the world media, they are called “pro-Iranian militias”. In practice, they are Iranian fighters under the operation of the Quds Force of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards.

“The Iranian proxy was in our eastern arena. We know what the capabilities of Iran and Hezbollah are, and they exist among these militias in Syria and in Iraq as well,” said one military official.

This is the reason why Col. Benny Kata and his soldiers work around the clock. On the one hand, the IDF is improving readiness in the Golan Heights, through more training and improving the means for both attacks and warning, as well as improving the line of fortifications and carrying out engineering operations.

The IDF says that the goal is to damage the capabilities of the Iranian militias deep in Syria and even in Iraq. To this end, the army was deployed not only on the Israeli side of the border but also in the security area, which is a section of hundreds of meters, defined as Israeli territory, but it is east of the perimeter fence.

According to foreign publications, the IDF operates every few days in much deeper ranges, both in the outskirts of Damascus, Homs, Quneitra and more.

“We are not evacuating the residents of the Golan. Our defense activity is in the space beyond the fence,” says a military official. But in the 747th division, they don’t take any risks after October 7.

Along with the offensive defense plans, they are strengthening rear defense systems, including refreshing and strengthening all the standby classes in the settlements. The IDF increased the classes, trained the fighters, and even provided combat equipment that would allow dealing with forces’ infiltration into the Golan Heights area.

The decision on whether to go for a ground maneuver in Lebanon may be made at the political level soon.

This is, of course, if we judge by the level of statements and threats heard in recent days. The IDF understands that such a move will open at least one more fighting front in the Golan.





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Why does Europe recognize a Palestinian state separate from Israel?

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Why does Europe recognize a Palestinian state separate from Israel?



Spain, Ireland, and Norway’s recognition of a Palestinian state is perceived in Israel as a product of antisemitism and an anti-Israel stance in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. However, it is not necessarily, certainly not exclusively, related to these positions. This step can also be seen as a European ideal to change the course of history and to reinforce Europe’s influence in the Middle East.

Politics are driven by power and control. These concepts are not only achieved through military force but can also be implemented through the dissemination of cultural and political ideas. Starting from the mid-19th century until its end, Europe experienced a national awakening. Within this context, Christian Europe shaped the idea of the nation-state. Europe did not think then about nations outside itself, but some of them had already begun to think about themselves. This happened in Asia, the Americas, and even in Africa. The Jews, in their own way, quickly adopted the new idea and created Zionism.

In contrast, the Muslim world never fully embraced this political organization. This is particularly true among Arabs in the Middle East. The adoption of the nation-state idea in territories like Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon is still partial and territorial to this day and is explicitly a product of European colonialism. At some point, Muslim Arabs understood that in order to break free from European colonial rule, they needed to learn to speak their language and establish organizations that would be legitimate in their eyes, and quickly created national resistance movements against European colonialism.

These movements have over time transformed into nation-states. Yet from the authentic consciousness of the Arabs in the region, the concept of nationalism is still a foreign concept. It is no coincidence that Arab-Muslim nation-states in the Middle East remain weak and fragile to this day, with some of them undergoing more or less advanced processes of disintegration.

Hamas in Rafah Street (credit: ABED RAHIM KHATIB/FLASH90)

Israel’s influence on Muslim ideals

Veterans of the IDF are certainly surprised by the stubborn resistance of Hamas in Gaza. They are used to Arab soldiers in the service of nation-states, who abandon the battlefield in a panic as soon as things start to get messy. The Arab/Muslim trust in nationalism is so tenuous that loyalty to the nation is not a sufficient motivation for a soldier to risk his life.

In contrast, Hamas succeeds in arousing authentic tribal impulses and providing motivation and even enthusiasm to its murderous terrorists, because Hamas is formally a nationalist movement. Hamas demands the territory of the Land of Israel and the expulsion of the Jews from it mainly in the name of Islam. In its view, the Land of Israel is their holy land and the Jews are infidels. This idea finds shorter and more direct routes to the hearts of the Palestinians, as it has been pumped for almost 1,500 years by all the Muslim empires that ruled over the Land of Israel.

So faced with Hamas, which emphasizes the religious aspect of the conflict and receives funding from Iran that promotes the idea of a Muslim empire – the historical enemy of Christian Europe – Europe is trying to forcefully reintroduce the European idea of a Muslim nation-state to the region, because a Palestinian state based on the European nationalist idea will remain weak and dependent on Europe. It seems that this is the profound truth behind the European recognition of the Palestinian nation-state. Of course, the move also has a connection to Israel and the century-old conflict, but that is certainly not the sole reason.





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International Peacekeepers Day: UNIFIL’s role questioned amid Israel-Hezbollah conflict

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International Peacekeepers Day: UNIFIL’s role questioned amid Israel-Hezbollah conflict



As international actors debate the legitimacy of Israel’s operation in Gaza, the war on Israel’s northern front rages on. Deaths from the Israel-Hezbollah conflict are continuing to rise, and over 100,000 Israelis are still evacuated from their homes in northern Israel, leading some to question the efficacy of the UN peacekeeper force meant to maintain security in southern Lebanon.

For more stories from The Media Line go to themedialine.org
After the Israeli army finished a military operation against the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in Lebanon in 1978, the UN established a temporary peacekeeping force known as the United Nations Interim Forces in Lebanon (UNIFIL). The body was meant to restore international peace and security and to assist Lebanon’s government and army in restoring control of the border with Israel.

Israel’s 1978 invasion pushed the PLO north of the Litani River, about 18 miles from the border, in order to limit attacks against Israel. Despite the establishment of UNIFIL as a peacekeeper force, Israel returned to Lebanon in 1982. In 2006, another conflict broke out between Israel and Hezbollah, a Lebanese Shiite group with ties to Iran.

After 34 days of fighting between Hezbollah and Israel in 2006, the UN brokered a cease-fire. Under the agreement, UN Security Council Resolution 1701, Israel and Hezbollah agreed to cease hostilities, and UNIFIL was tasked with ensuring that no armed groups other than itself and the Lebanese army operated south of the Litani River.

Today, UNIFIL comprises more than 10,000 soldiers from 49 nations. In addition to monitoring the border, the organization also provides humanitarian assistance to civilians affected by the exchange of fire in southern Lebanon.

UNIFIL peacekeepers from the Republic of Korea conduct a vehicle patrol in the vicinity of Tyre, south Lebanon, February 21, 2024. (credit: Pasqual GORRIZ/UN)

UNIFIL’s role pre-October 7

“Before Oct. 7, we were able to guarantee the overall stability of the southern border for years, and this was clearly a success,” Andrea Tenenti, spokesperson for the UNIFIL mission, told The Media Line. “We played an active role. In fact, we have helped the Lebanese army, starting from 2008, to regain control of the southern part of the country.”

Despite UNIFIL’s successes, Hezbollah has grown stronger in southern Lebanon since 2006, especially in the towns and villages along the 75-mile-long demarcation line, leading some to criticize UNIFIL as ineffective. Since Oct. 7, as constant clashes between Hezbollah and Israel have plagued southern Lebanon and northern Israel, those criticisms have grown louder.

“The UNIFIL mission started with very weak points and ended up being more a cease-fire resolution than a peacekeeping one,” Hanin Ghaddar, a senior fellow at the Washington Institute, told The Media Line. She noted that the forces mostly report violations.

“They do not possess the tools and permission from the UN to confiscate weapons or even arrest those affiliated with” Hezbollah, she said.

Tenenti characterized UNIFIL as “the only ones who can mediate properly” amid the rising tensions, noting that the group had arranged meetings between the Israeli and Lebanese armies.

UNIFIL does not only monitor the conflict between Hezbollah and Israel—at times, it finds itself caught up in that contact.  Among other incidents, a car bomb killed six UNIFIL personnel in 2007, and in October, two mortar shells of undetermined origin hit a UNIFIL base, injuring one peacekeeper.

“Hezbollah targets UNIFIL because they do not want another actor in the south,” Ghaddar explained. “It is never an accident when UNIFIL personnel is targeted because the militant group aims to send a message both to the countries that serve in these forces and to the UN: do not interfere with our activities in the southern part of the country.”

Avraham Levine, a speaker at the northern Israel-based Alma Research and Education Center, told The Media Line that Hezbollah has more control over UNIFIL than UNIFIL does over Hezbollah.

“There are areas where UNIFIL personnel cannot go to, and if they end up by mistake in Hezbollah’s territory, they are attacked on the spot, their vehicles are burnt, and sometimes they are even shot down,” he said.

Levine also said that Hezbollah uses UNIFIL bases for its military purposes.

“Both in 2006 and in further operations that Israel carried against Hezbollah, the militants used UNIFIL compounds as shields for their operations in order to stop Israel’s counterattacks against a UN base,” he said.

One of the rockets launched at Israel by Hezbollah in December originated just 20 yards from a UNIFIL compound.

Levine said that the Lebanese army’s lack of action to rein in Hezbollah relates to the Shia sympathies of many of the soldiers as well as the interest in avoiding another Lebanese civil war.

Describing both UNIFIL and the Lebanese army as ineffective deterrents to Hezbollah, he said that Israel may have to invade Lebanon once again.

“We cannot risk another Oct. 7 in the northern part of Israel since [Hezbollah Secretary-General Hassan] Nasrallah publicly claimed his goal to invade the Galilee. Even if this scenario is not pleasant for both sides, we may need to stop Hezbollah by entering Lebanon as we did in the past,” he said.

In the event that a full-scale war between Israel and Hezbollah does break out, UNIFIL may be a target, Levine said. “Maybe this may push to reconsider its mission in the first place,” he speculated.





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